The Soul of Man: Oscar Wilde and Socialism

An ‘OSCHOLARS’ Special Issue

Spring 2010

 

The Roots of Wilde's Socialist Soul: Ibsen and Shaw, or Morris and Crane

Kristian Williams

 

George Bernard Shaw, with his characteristic blend of egotistical modesty, once claimed the credit for inspiring Oscar Wilde's most famous essay.  As he wrote to Frank Harris:

At a meeting somewhere in Westminster. . . I delivered an address on Socialism, and. . . Oscar turned up and spoke.  Robert Ross surprised me greatly by telling me, long after Oscar's death, that it was this address of mine that moved Oscar to try his hand at a similar feat by writing 'The Soul of Man Under Socialism'.[1]

This claim has been repeated by many a critic and biographer, most prominently Richard Ellmann.[2]  J. D. Thomas has added the suggestion that the lecture of Shaw's was ‘The Quintessence of Ibsenism,’ which he delivered before the Fabian Society at St. James's Restaurant on July 18, 1890.[3] 

Shaw's talk, part of a series on ‘Socialism in Contemporary Literature,’ was in the estimation of Fabian Society Secretary Edward Pease, ‘perhaps . . .  the high-water mark in Fabian Lectures.’  Shaw spoke for almost two hours, delivering a paper that was later to become ‘the bulk of the volume “The Quintessence of Ibsenism”.’[4] Shaw summed up Henrik Ibsen's plays (excepting Emperor and Galilean, and the not-yet-written Hedda Gabler), and presented, almost in their entirety, his own chapters on ‘Ideals and Idealists’ and ‘The Womanly Woman.’  The talk also featured a substantial amount of material narrowly relating to the socialist politics of 1890, which was then excised from the printed edition.[5] 

Five months later, before beginning his revisions, Shaw summarized his thesis:  ‘[Ibsen's plays] are simply dramatic illustrations of the terrible mischief and misery made every day, not by scoundrels, but by moral people and idealists in their inexorable devotion to what they all their 'duty'.’[6]  This key point could, of course, be called a Wildean (or a Nietzschean), as well as an Ibsenian or Shavian, observation.  As Wilde wrote in The Soul of Man Under Socialism: ‘As one reads history, . . .  one is absolutely sickened, not by the crimes that the wicked have committed, but by the punishments that the good have inflicted.’[7]

Undoubtedly there are other similarities between Shaw's essay and Wilde's. Among the most striking are the tension between the artist and the press, the critique of the family, the de-bunking of democracy, and the repudiation of all moral idealism (what Shaw calls ‘the tyranny of duty’[8]). Shaw expresses disdain for ‘the Versaillese’ who out of ‘duty . . .  to the French Republic’ put down the Paris Commune and ‘shot their Parisian fellow workers’;[9] Wilde likewise lamented the ‘tragic fact’ of ‘the starved peasant of the Vendée’ who fought against the French Revolution and ‘voluntarily went out to die for the hideous cause of feudalism.’[10] 

Perhaps more than anything else, the tone of the two essays is similar – forceful and sardonic.  Shaw praises the young (‘unscrupulous, undutiful, unbecomingly free in their manners, disrespectful, and bumptiously self assertive’[11]) in much the same sense as Wilde praises the poor (‘ungrateful, unthrifty, discontented, and rebellious’).[12] 

It is even possible to read certain of Wilde's proverbs as restatements of Shaw's:  ‘Disobedience . . . is man's original virtue.  It is through disobedience that progress has been made, through disobedience and through rebellion’;[13] and ‘There is nothing new in the defiance of duty by the individual: every step of progress means a duty trampled out, and a scripture repudiated’[14] – for an example.

Ibsen was, certainly, an inspiration. ‘[Y]our little book on Ibsenism and Ibsen is such a delight to me,’ Wilde later wrote to Shaw, ‘that I constantly take it up, and always find it stimulating and refreshing.  England is the land of intellectual fogs but you have done much to clear the air.’[15]  

However, where The Quintessence is occupied with discerning the political implications of drama, The Soul of Man is concerned to explain what politics means for art.  So in its theme, Wilde's essay followed more closely an earlier Fabian lecture, this one by Walter Crane, on ‘The Prospects for Art Under Socialism.’ 

Crane's lecture, and later pamphlet, were part of a Fabian series on the ‘Basis and Prospects of Socialism.’[16]  In his memoirs, Crane recalled the lecture, though he seems to have mis-remembered certain details:

‘I joined the [Fabian] Society, and lectured for them on several occasions – once, I remember, in Westminster Town Hall, to a large audience, when Mr. G. Bernard Shaw took the chair, and Oscar Wilde was among the speakers in the discussion which followed.[17]

Wilde's attendance is confirmed by Shaw's diary,[18] and by a note in Annie Besant's Our Corner, though the latter places the meeting ‘at Willis's Rooms’ and with ‘H.W. Carr in the chair.’[19]  The Star, likewise, offered this description:

Mr. Crane believed that art would revive under these new socialistic conditions.  Mr. Oscar Wilde, whose fashionable coat differed widely from the picturesque bottle-green garb in which he appeared in earlier days, thought that the art of the future would clothe itself not in works of form and color but in literature. . . .  Mr. Herbert Burrows contended that the masses loved good art, a fact which Mr. George Bernard Shaw deplored, as he said it proved that the lower classes were following the insincere cant of the middle classes.  Mr. Shaw agreed with Mr. Wilde that literature was the form which art would take. . . .[20]

Was this the lecture that prompted Wilde's essay?  Shaw's editor/biographer, Stanley Weintraub, thought that it was, stating it as fact in a clarifying footnote:  ‘The meeting which apparently led to Wilde's writing The Soul of Man under Socialism (1891) was a Fabian lecture by artist Walter Crane on 'The Prospects for Art under Socialism,' at Willis's Rooms on July 6, 1888.’[21]  The claim is asserted just as plainly by Karl Beckson in his Oscar Wilde Encyclopedia.[22]

Oscar Wilde's presence that night, though much remarked on, is not particularly surprising.  Walter Crane had illustrated Wilde's book of fairy stories, The Happy Prince and Other Tales, published just a few weeks before, in May.[23]  Still, it would be too much to call the men friends.  Wilde was closer, however, with the man who inspired Crane to socialism, William Morris.  There was even a story – though it may be a product of Shaw's imagination – that ‘Morris, when he was dying slowly, enjoyed a visit from Wilde more than anybody else.’[24] 

For Crane, though, it would be hard to exaggerate Morris's importance, especially in terms of his political development.  He recalled:

A little pamphlet entitled Art and Socialism. . . – really a reprint of one of Morris's addresses, – had a great effect upon my mind, and led me into a correspondence with Morris on the subject, in which I stated all the objections or difficulties which occurred to me against Socialism, as I then understood it, and he very kindly wrote fully in reply.  The result was that the difficulties disappeared, and from the verge of pessimism as regards human progress, I accepted the Socialist position, which became a universal solvent in my mind.  It was the question which swallowed all other questions. . . .[25]

Here, then, is another possible line of development:  Morris, Crane, Wilde; Art and Socialism, The Prospects for Art Under Socialism, The Soul of Man Under Socialism.  

All three essays concern, broadly speaking, the relationship of art to politics, or more specifically, to economics – what Morris describes as ‘the evils that exist in the relation between Art and Commerce.’[26]  In each case, the author came to socialism largely through his concern for art, and all three essays argue that capitalism is bad for both the artist and his work, and that socialism would be better.  They each establish this point by relating art to labor, showing that where labor is degraded, art suffers; in contrast, where labor is respected, it and art are as one.  It is in this attitude toward labor that the three essays enjoy the greatest unity.  Morris writes:  ‘Nothing should be made by man's labour which is not worth making, or which must be made by labour degrading to the makers.’[27]  Later he elaborates:  ‘It is right and necessary that all men should have work to do: First, Work worth doing; Second, Work of itself pleasant to do; Third, Work done under such conditions as would make it neither over-wearisome nor over-anxious.’[28]

Furthermore, the three writers worry that workers are becoming slaves to the machines that ought to aid them.  Morris:  ‘The wonderful machines which in the hands of just and foreseeing men would have been used to minimize repulsive labour and to give pleasure . . . have, instead of lightening the labour of the workmen, intensified it, and thereby added more weariness yet to the burden which the poor have to carry.’[29]  Crane: ‘As to machinery, it is but a question of adaptation of means to ends, since machinery simply gives extra hands and feet to humanity; useful enough to do heavy and useful drudgery, . . . to be the servant and labour-saver of man, in short, but never his master and profit-grinder, as it has become. . . .’[30]  Wilde:  ‘Up to present man has been, to a certain extent, the slave of machinery. . . .  Were that machine the property of all, everybody would benefit by it. . . .  All unintellectual labour, all monotonous, dull labour that deals with dreadful things, and involves unpleasant conditions, must be done by machinery.’[31]

All three men lament the division of art from labour, and artists from workers.  Under socialism, they insist, every worker would be an artist and all work would be artwork.  These categories in fact – ‘artist’ or ‘worker’; ‘art’ and ‘labour’ – blend and blur and dissolve into one another.  Crane suggests that under socialism the artists would be like ‘master craftsmen,’ each beginning his career as ‘a smith or a carpenter,’ eventually becoming ‘capable of design in all kinds of materials, [and able to] design a building, make the pattern of a jewel or a gown, draw a title-page or paint a portrait,’ but spending, in any case ‘a portion of time . . .  in some form of manual labour.’[32] 

With the disappearance of classes, there would be only humanity.  With the abolition of commerce, both ‘work’ and ‘art’ would lose their specialized meanings.  Both would continue, though no longer distinguishable from, simply, life.  Morris repeatedly defines art as ‘the Pleasure of Life.’[33]  And Wilde defines, or refuses to define, work as ‘activity of any kind.’  He reasons, with echoes of Morris:  ‘Every man must be left quite free to choose his own work.  No form of compulsion must be exercised over him.  If there is, his work will not be good for him, will not be good in itself, and will not be good for others.’[34]

Wilde, however, presses this line of thinking even further, and gives central place to Individualism:  If, under socialism, work were to become as art, that could only be because it would become an expression of the individuality of the worker.  Art, here, is the model not only for labour but for life.  The artist, which we are told the worker will become, is the type for the true Individualist.  (‘Art is the most intense mode of Individualism that the world has known.’[35])  This is a very special kind of Individualism:  it relies for its further development on the advent of Socialism, and it expresses itself most fully through a broad sociability:  ‘When man has realised Individualism, he will also realise sympathy and exercise it freely and spontaneously.’[36] 

Wilde thus anchors his Individualism in Socialism, though the relationship between them is one of ends and means:  ‘Socialism itself will be of value simply because it will lead to Individualism.’[37]  Socialism exists for Individualism, and this suggests a very special type of socialism as well: one that is anti-authoritarian, even to the point of anarchism:  ‘Of course authority and compulsion are out of the question.  All association must be quite voluntary.  It is only in voluntary associations that man is fine. . . .  [T]he State must give up all idea of government. . . .  The form of government that is most suitable to the artist is no government at all.’[38]

This brings us back, if not to Shaw, then to Ibsen. ‘The state must be abolished!’ Ibsen declared.  ‘Abolish the conception of the state, establish the principle of free will and all that is spiritually akin to it as the one prerequisite for a universal brotherhood – there is the beginning of a Freedom that is worth something!’[39]

So here we have, not one account of the Soul's origin, but two – neither very definite:  Shaw said that Ross said that Wilde said that he had been moved to write The Soul of Man Under Socialism after hearing one of Shaw's lectures.  The inspiring oratory may, perhaps, have been Shaw's lecture on Ibsen.  But perhaps Shaw, or Ross, or Wilde mis-remembered, and it was actually a different Fabian lecture, one for which Shaw was present, but not presenting; it may have been, for instance, Walter Crane's.  Either story offers a kind of genealogy for Wilde's essay: Ibsen and Shaw on the one side; Morris and Crane on the other.  Each account represents an approach to the essay, foregrounding certain features, highlighting particular concerns, shifting the emphasis. That is why these stories are valuable – not for whatever truth they may impart, but for the opportunities they offer to see Wilde's essay in some new way.  We should look to influences, not to narrow our interpretation, but to broaden our understanding.

Of course we do not want to make too much of these creation myths, any more than we want to involve ourselves too scrupulously in the search for Mr. W.H..  Whatever evidence – textual and historical – may be amassed in their favor, these stories remain highly speculative.  There is no basis, really, for choosing between them.  But, also, there is no need.  Perhaps Crane supplied the subject for Wilde's essay, and Shaw provided the motivational spark for him to write it.  Ideas aren't things to be passed along from one person to the next in strict order, like the baton in a relay, or a regal crown.  A good essay is like a strong plant, with roots spread in all directions.  ‘The true artist is known by what he annexes,’ Wilde said, ‘and he annexes everything.’[40]

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[1] George Bernard Shaw, ‘My Memories of Oscar Wilde,’ in Oscar Wilde: A Collection of Critical Essays, ed. Richard Ellmann (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc.) 94.

[2] Richard Ellmann, Oscar Wilde (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988) 328.

[3] J. D. Thomas, ‘'The Soul of Man Under Socialism': An Essay in Context.’  Rice University Studies (Winter 1965) 91.

[4] Edward R. Pease, The History of the Fabian Society (London: A.C. Fifield, 1916) 94.

[5] J.L. Wisenthal, ‘Shaw and Ibsen’ in Shaw and Ibsen: Bernard Shaw's The Quintessence of Ibsenism and Related Writings, ed. J.L. Wisenthal (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1979) 9.

[6] Quoted Wisenthal, ‘Shaw and Ibsen,’ 9.

[7] Oscar Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ in Collins Complete Works of Oscar Wilde (Glasgow: HarperCollins, 2003)  1182.

[8] Bernard Shaw, ‘Fragments of a Fabian Lecture,’ in Shaw and Ibsen, 81.

[9] Shaw, ‘Fragments of a Fabian Lecture,’ 85.

[10] Wilde, ‘Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1177.

[11] Shaw, ‘Fragments of a Fabian Lecture,’ 84.

[12] Wilde, ‘Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1176.

[13] Wilde, ‘Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1176.

[14] Shaw, ‘Fragments of a Fabian Lecture,’  83-4.

[15] The Complete Letters of Oscar Wilde, ed. Merlin Holland and Rupert Hart-Davis (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2000) 554.

[16] Pease, History of the Fabian Society, 75.

[17] Walter Crane, An Artists' Reminiscences (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1907) 258.

[18] Stanley Weintraub (editor), Shaw: An Autobiography, 1856-1898 (New York: Weybright and Talley, 1969) 307.

[19] ‘Fabian Society and Socialist Notes,’ Our Corner (August 1888) 127-8.

[20] Quoted in Weintraub, Shaw: An Autobiography, 307.

[21] Weintraub, Shaw: An Autobiography, 307.

[22] Karl Beckson, The Oscar Wilde Encyclopedia (New York: AMS Press, 1998) 337.

[23] Beckson, The Oscar Wilde Encyclopedia, 128.

[24] Shaw, ‘My Memories,’ 95.

[25] Crane, An Artists' Reminiscences, 254-5.

[26] William Morris, ‘Art and Socialism’ in On Art and Socialism: Essays and Lectures, ed. Holbrook Jackson (London: John Lehmann, 1947) 96.

[27]  Morris, ‘Art and Socialism,’ 107.

[28] Morris, ‘Art and Socialism,’ 110.

[29] Morris, ‘Art and Socialism,’ 97

[30] Walter Crane, ‘The Prospects for Art Under Socialism,’ in The Claims of Decorative Art (London: Lawrence and Bulletin, 1892) 76

[31] Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1183.

[32] Crane, ‘The Prospects for Art Under Socialism,’ 80-1.

[33] For instance: Morris, ‘Art and Socialism,’ 111.

[34] Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1177.

[35]  Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1184.

[36] Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1195.

[37] Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1175.

[38] Wilde, ‘The Soul of Man Under Socialism,’ 1177, 1181, and 1192.

[39] Quoted in Michael Meyer, Ibsen: A Biography (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1971) 339.

[40] Thomas Wright, Oscar's Books (London: Chatto & Windus, 2008) 184.