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THE CRITIC
AS CRITIC |
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A Portfolio of Theatre and Book Reviews |
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No 50 : MAY / JUNE 2009 |
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Wilde
theatre reviews appear here; Shaw reviews in Shavings;
all other theatre reviews in |
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Exhibition
reviews and reviews of books relating to the visual arts now appear in our
new section VISIONS which is reached by clicking its symbol |
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All
authors whose books are reviewed here are invited to respond. This page is edited by D.C. Rose and Anna
Vaninskaya. |
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In an
article for THE
OSCHOLARS which she titled ‘Wilde on Tap’, Patricia Flanagan Behrendt, our American
Editor, set out an agenda for our theatre coverage that we will try to follow. This article can be found by clicking |
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To the Table of Contents of this page |
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WILDE REVIEWS
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The Importance of Being Earnest, |
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directed by Chris Coleman, Portland
Center Stage 24th February-29th March 2009 |
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The programme touts the play as ‘A
Wildean frolic… in three acts’, and though it essentially is as advertised,
Artistic Director Chris Coleman’s treatment of Earnest is clearly more serious than trivial. The setting is
thoroughly Victorian in mood and manner and this comes as a welcome surprise.
I have seen Wilde staged in and out of period and though it is amusing to see
Earnest queered, such as the KAOS
Theatre’s burlesque interpretation notably does, it is also good to remember
that Wilde’s lines undermine the age in which they were written in Worthing
(1894) and staged in London (1895). Earnest
is a mirror into which Wilde’s contemporaries saw a reflection of themselves
just as today’s audiences do. The beauty and brilliance of depicting Earnest true to period, paying
particular attention to character, diction, plot and costume, is that it
reinforces the fact that it does not require embellishment in order to appeal
to a 21-century audience, and Coleman’s production justly qualifies this
point. |
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James Knight, as Algernon, instantly
captivates the audience as he steps on stage from the adjoining piano room
into the morning-room in a rich navy satin smoking jacket. Lane (Todd Van
Voris) is tidying the tea-cart and, in what appears to be the only obvious deus ex machina of the production,
tosses a brassiere off stage. Knight’s
mannerisms and delivery are impeccably ‘Algernon’s’, as we might ideally
imagine him, from the script. Indeed,
he is the most convincing Algy I have seen and this is apparent in the
smallest details as well, such as the distinct way he fondles and then
pinches a pink rose from the bouquet to wear in his button hole. This, of
course, foreshadows Cecily (Nikki Coble) as does the entire set, which is
framed in pink roses. |
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There are several fine points to this
production, but one that must be mentioned outright is costume design,
coordinated by Jeff Cone. Cone’s use of texture and colour to emphasise
character and mood, city and country, parallel Coleman’s artistic vision and
attention to detail. As mentioned, Algernon enters in a smoking jacket which
underscores his languid demeanor and also serves to contrast Jack, who enters
fully dressed for ‘business’ though we know he is in town for ‘pleasure’, or,
rather, to propose to Gwendolen. Algernon’s quip ‘I thought you had come up
for pleasure? I call that business’ received an applause, and I believe this
is a testament to the parallel form and structure of the play that scaffolds
Knight’s effective elocution, balanced delivery, and stage presence. |
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Throughout the play, it was moments such
as this where Knight radiated precisely because he delivered the lines
fluidly and with the right amount of emphasis rather than exaggeration. The
same can be said of Jack’s (Matthew Waterson) interplay with Algy, especially
his well-crafted agitation with Algy’s apparent disregard for the serious
nature of marriage, or the stance one must assume in order to appear ‘earnest’.
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Lady Bracknell (Jill Tanner) and
Gwendolen Fairfax (Kate MacCluggage) enter in gorgeous gowns complete with
feather hats, Gwendolen in pink and Lady Bracknell in bronze. Again, Cone’s
design choice conveys style and position without seeming overtly
ostentatious. Likewise, Lady Bracknell was not the overbearing ‘gorgon’ that
I have seen in other productions of Earnest,
though I admit that I typically look forward to her dominating the stage.
However, I was pleasantly surprised to find the ‘softer’ Bracknell alluring
and suggestively aggressive, which, after rethinking my expectations, is in
many respects a bold move because the lines are not overacted. |
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Ahh, Miss Prism (Sharonlee McClean) and
Chasuble (Tim True), where to start: the underlying sexual tension was
enhanced, and though tension is evident in the script, by the Second Act I
was beginning to expect downplaying, or at least subtle undertones rather
than ‘reckless extravagance’ in ones so old. I suppose this was the point, as
the mirroring effects throughout were keenly interpreted. |
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Without hesitation, the muffin scene in
Jack’s country garden at the close of the Second Act was delightful. Again, I
attribute this to Knight’s impeccable skill and presence as Algernon and the
interplay with Jack (Waterson) who was consistently agitated with Algy’s
‘absurd’ behaviour at critical times: |
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Jack: How you can sit there, calmly
eating muffins when we are in this horrible trouble, I can’t make out. You
seem to me to be perfectly heartless. |
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Algernon: Well, I can’t eat muffins
in an agitated manner. The butter would probably get on my cuffs. One should
always eat muffins quite calmly. It is the only way to eat them. |
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This exchange highlights the relation and
difference between Jack and Algy rather tellingly, and though I have seen it
performed ‘well’ in other productions, this scene was by far my favourite,
and gauging the audience’s reception, I would say they definitely concurred. |
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Part of the brilliance of the production
must also be attributed to the stage design and clear acoustics. Balanced
sound resonates at the Gerding Theatre and this was a main concern for the
architects and sound technicians when converting the 19th century
Portland Armory into a modern theatre in the heart of Portland’s Pearl
District. Of course, lighting and ambience contributes to the aesthetic
impression and experience as well and I believe any theatergoer in Portland
would tell you just how unique the Gerding is. |
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Overall, PCS’s The Importance of Being Earnest was a pleasure to see. I have a
newfound respect and appreciation for balanced delivery and subtle
undertones. During the second
intermission between the Second and Third Act I ordered a Gwendolen inspired
Champagne with Chambord and mingled a little with the audience. I asked the
couple standing next to me what their initial impressions were, and in line
with my own thoughts, they ‘loved’ Algernon’s performance. James Knight holds
an M.F.A. from the University of Missouri Kansas City and though he has
performed widely at venues across the nation in roles ranging from Marc
Antony in Julius Caesar to Achilles
in The Iliad, this was his first
appearance in Portland and he performed Wildely as Algernon to a delighted
audience. |
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Cast of Characters: |
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Cecily |
Nikki Coble |
Lady Bracknell |
Jill Tanner |
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Algernon |
James Knight |
Chasuble |
Tim True |
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Gwendolen |
Kate MacCluggage |
Lane/Merriman |
Todd Van Voris |
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Miss Prism |
Sharonlee McLean |
Jack |
Matthew Waterson |
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*For an interview with Chris Coleman,
artistic director of Portland Center Stage, on Earnest, the economy, and The Gerding Theatre: http://kboo.fm/node/12360 |
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·
Tiffany Perala gained her Ph.D. at the
University of Nottingham and now teaches in the English Department at
Marylhurst University, Portland, OR.
She is an Associate Editor of THE OSCHOLARS. |
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OTHER REVIEWS OF FIN DE SIÈCLE INTEREST
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Review by Annabel Rutherford a |
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Rhonda K. Garelick: Electric Salome: Loie Fuller’s Performance
of Modernism. Princeton: Princeton University Press 2007 (pbk 2009). |
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Almost every modern dance history class
begins with a study of its three pioneers: Loie Fuller, Ruth St. Denis, and
Isadora Duncan. From time to time, scholars point to the works of one or
other of these three women as being a major influence on a specific
choreographer. Indeed, there is no doubt that the work of all three had some
kind of influence on certain works choreographed for Diaghilev’s Ballets
Russes as well as on other later choreographers and dancers. Dance became a prominent art form during
the fin de siècle and early
modernist years and, as Rhonda K. Garelick demonstrates in her fascinating
work Electric Salome: Loie Fuller’s
Performance of Modernism, Loie
Fuller had much to do with establishing this. Fuller was an artiste extraordinaire whose
innovative multimedia work traversed the boundaries of dance as she embraced
and experimented with all that was new in visual art, stage technology, and
cinematography. Once her life was over, however, she faded from public memory
as swiftly as the projected images that had once flickered on and off her
swirling silks. Electric Salome tells
the tale of a young American vaudeville artist, who, at the turn of the
twentieth century, went to Paris, defied all convention, and, through her
unique style of movement and innovative use of technology, became an
international theatre celebrity. By considering Fuller’s work in the context
of classical and modern ballet, modern drama, the contemporary visual arts,
and modern technology and science, Garelick reweaves this neglected performance
artist, dubbed the electricity fairy, ‘back into the fabric of performance
history’ (200). |
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The image most readily associated with
Fuller is that of a woman creating butterfly, bird, wave, or serpent shapes
out of billowing clouds of silk. Various lighting effects and images are
projected onto the shapes as the silk swirls around the woman’s body.
Garelick begins her excellent study by identifying ‘the founding moment’ of
what was to become this, Fuller’s signature style (29). The show was Quack, M. D., a North American
vaudeville play about hypnosis, and
it was for this, in 1891, that Fuller created and performed her famous
‘serpentine dance.’ In singling out this ‘basis for all her future
groundbreaking work,’ Garelick explains how Fuller cultivated her stage image
(28). Although she claimed to dance under a kind of trance, she was acutely
aware of her ‘nearly supernatural effect’ upon her audience (19). Her
aesthetic, states Garelick, was founded in a ‘Pirandellesque merging of a
(hypnotized) fictional character and the actor portraying her’ (29). Rather
than merely creating images, she became the image, as if dissolving her
entire body into the billowing silk, so that she became ‘a force of
performativity itself, mutating into vast and ephemeral decorative forms’
(34). |
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As the title, Electric Salome, suggests, Garelick’s study provides some
thought-provoking ideas about the extraordinary influence of this Biblical
figure, not only on the arts, but politically, too. By the time Fuller
arrived in Paris in 1892, explains Garelick, the city was intoxicated with
Salomania. Ironically, Fuller had already discovered her niche as a veiled
dancer, but that she would identify with Salomé, the most famous of veiled
dancers, was inevitable. As the author points out, Fuller ‘arrived at a
moment precisely ripe for Salome’s transition to the dance stage’ (93). She
created two versions of Salomé, one
in 1895 and one in 1907. Although both were very different, both received bad
reviews, but Garelick’s focuses for her analysis is on the earlier version.
By the time Fuller performed Salomé
at the Comédie Parisienne (1895), she was famous for her dazzling,
mesmerising performances, dancing, always, beneath her veils of billowing
silk. In Salomé, however, despite
an extraordinary inversion of the sensuous role of the femme fatale to one chaste and childlike, Fuller revealed far
more of her body than her audience was accustomed to seeing. By this time,
Fuller was into her thirties, overweight, and ‘perspired heavily’ while
dancing (94). In revealing her physical self, she shattered her stage image
of an enchanting, bewitching sylph and audience and critics alike responded
most unfavourably. |
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Particularly puzzling about Fuller’s
inversion of the Biblical myth is her total denial of the natural exoticism,
or Orientalist detail, expected in the role of Salomé. Not only was this
Salomé morally and sexually innocent, she was also racially ‘whitened’ (96).
Indeed, the photograph Garelick provides is more in style with a Pre-Raphaelite
painting of a child than a young, sensual woman about to shed her seven
veils. Such characterisation is hardly fitting for the traditional sensuality
of Salomé’s dance and, of course, runs contra to Fuller’s mesmerising
qualities as well as the very power of dance itself. For Fuller, Salomé dances to save John the
Baptist and, not too surprisingly, fails in her mission. Other than some red
lighting, any trace traces of blood and gore are absent from this inverted
and sanitized version. Thus, partly due to her unusual rendering of the tale
and partly due to an unexpectedly plump and heavily perspiring body, Fuller’s
usual abilities to enchant her audience and, thus, will them to suspend their
disbelief failed miserably. |
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By the 1900 World’s Fair in Paris, Fuller
was a major celebrity and, thus, a strong public draw. Two of the dances she
performed were from her original production of Salomé. In a compelling
analysis, Garelick considers Fuller’s production of Salomé in the context of French imperialism. The Biblical tale,
with its many levels of desire, is a ‘tale of murder denied and disavowed,’
she states, arguing that it is ‘a perfect allegory for French imperialist
propaganda’ (102). For Garelick, Fuller’s portrayal of Salomé as an innocent,
pretty child was ‘deeply consonant’ with imperialism. If Fuller reinterpreted
the gory tale, making it suitable for family viewing, France ‘denied its own
blood and murder,’ concealing the ugliness of its colonial conquests beneath
‘charming performances and diversions’ (102). Cultural politics run deep and
in answer to such questions as why France was so ready to drape its flag over
Fuller, Garelick suggests that the World’s Fair used the American Fuller and
her family version of Salomé as ‘a
silken broom with which to sweep aside such disturbances as the tensions
between the United States and France’ (115). Of course, whether this was true
is debateable, but the way in which the Biblical Salomé was interpreted,
manipulated, and, yet again, reinterpreted is fascinating. |
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For dance historians, Garelick’s lengthy
section on the influence of the romantic classical ballet on Fuller’s work is
well worth study and consideration. As the author states, while Fuller may be
mentioned in dance history studies, it is usually only in passing – as a
pioneer of modern dance. Despite her aversion to ballet, Fuller was a strong
bridge between classical and the modern dance and, in many ways, borrowed
much from this classical art form. So mush so, believes Garelick, that Fuller
reinvented the romantic ballet’s style known as danse balloné (referring to the ballooning of the tutu) through
her use of billowing silks. If the author’s discussion about Fuller’s
adaptation and use of ballet is fascinating, her suggestion that Fuller ‘functioned
much like a one-woman version of the Romantic ballet couple’ is riveting
(147). On stage, the romantic ballerina was the central focus and, as the
author states, by the fin de siècle,
the male dancer’s presence was fading. Visually, on stage, Fuller created
‘ethereal, floating images…the ballerina-like birds, flowers and
butterflies,’ while beneath all her draperies, she was the ‘partly hidden
manipulator who, danseur-like, used
her muscularity to present and control them’ (146). Thus, claims Garelick,
Fuller ‘was playing both sexes’ roles onstage’ (147). As a bridge figure in dance, Fuller’s
influence on Diaghilev’s Ballets Russes is discussed only briefly (although
the company arrived in Paris in 1909, not as stated, 1903). Of particular
interest, here, in light of Garelick’s suggestion about Fuller’s dual role-
playing, is that, in effect, Vaslav Nijinsky, too, could be described as
doing similar in such early Ballets Russes works as Le Spectre de la rose – totally different in style and technique,
of course. In the latter case, however, the ballerina was dethroned and the
male dancer reinstated, but it was an effeminized danseur. Like Fuller, in his own way, Nijinsky could be perceived
as playing both sexes’ roles. |
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One of the many strengths of Electric Salome is the thorough
analysis Garelick provides of Fullers’ major works. Particularly intriguing
is her comparative analysis between Fuller’s piece La Mer and Martha Graham’s solo work Lamentations. While the visual similarities are not difficult to
understand, it is Garelick’s explanation and analysis of the type of
psychological drama shared by each that is most striking. Thus, while neither
work contains narrative, we see how a profound emotional drama emerges in
each. Both draw their obvious power from abstract form - pure physical
movement, performed by a dancer void of facial expression – in other words,
movement replaces personality. While Fuller used mechanical techniques
beneath her swirling fabrics to produce extraordinary visual effects, and,
thus, evoke an emotional response from her audience, Graham initiated her
movements from the centre of her body, ‘from the inside out’ (198). And,
through such technique, Graham, too, was able to elicit a similar profound
and emotional response from her audiences. Garelick’s comparison between the
two works clearly demonstrates a strong link between the two dancers. Just as
Fuller was influenced by classical ballet, so she influenced modern dance,
and, as Garelick clearly demonstrates, in the history of dance, Fuller was
the important bridge between the two dance styles. |
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The final chapter of this excellent study
delves into an area seldom explored by scholars and considers Fuller’s
relationship to European modern drama. While historians and practitioners
readily acknowledge the dancer’s innovative use of lighting and stage
technology, which even caught the attention of the Futurists, few have
considered her work in terms of modern dramatic composition. As Garelick’s
study demonstrates, Fuller’s works fit more readily under the rubric of
dramatic performance than dance (204). A fascinating aspect of Fuller’s most
successful work was her ability to take a subject from a dramatic or literary
text and pare it down from narrative to abstraction. When she performed Salomé as a full narrative text, it
was a disaster, but when she extracted certain dances and performed them at
the World’s Fair, each was very well received. Thus, argues Garelick, by
suppressing the main plot of a literary text, Fuller’s works focused upon and
presented only the psychological and characterological aspects of the text –
that which could not be adequately expressed verbally. In Fuller’s own words,
she was willing to experiment on stage with ‘anything that can bring to our vision
those things we cannot see’ (209). |
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Garelick draws on obvious examples of
physicality incorporated into modern drama (such as Nora’s dance in Ibsen’s A Doll’s House (1879), or the
Midsummer dance in Strindberg’s Miss
Julie), and places Fuller’s works beside Ibsen, Strindberg, even
Pirandello. She argues that Fuller, too, was staging and experimenting with
all that was new in modern drama, for example such ideas as the ‘fourth
wall.’ Following a through analysis of Fuller’s version of Peer Gynt, the author demonstrates the
performer’s affinity with the naturalist playwrights. However, as the author
observes, that many of Fuller’s works were described as lacking narrativity,
‘portraying no character, and depicting no emotion,’ places them very much in
line with ‘half of the modernist theatre to come’ (214). Indeed, Garelick’s
discussion of Fuller’s engagement with avant-garde theatre, in particular her
work on Tristan Tzara’s Mouchoir de Nuages,
leaves little doubt as to the extraordinary role Fuller played in the
development of European twentieth-century theatre. However, one is left toying with the
question: how much of this brief dialogue between dance and drama was due to
Fuller’s influence and how much of it was an unconscious response to
Salomania? Either way, as Garelick states, it was through Fuller that Salome
made the ‘transition to the dance stage’ (93). |
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Electric
Salome is essential reading for anybody
interested in dance or theatre history, modern drama, cultural studies,
visual culture, or fin-de-siècle and
modernist studies. Not only does the work provide an invaluable study of a
performer whose name most people recognise but know little about, it also
demonstrates Fuller’s influence on modernism in general. It is a book of
great depth and, like the many layers of Fuller’s billowing silk, deserves
several readings to fully grasp and appreciate the importance of this fin-de-siècle icon. Garelick presents
the story of Loie Fuller chronologically with interesting black and white
photographs where relevant. An excellent bibliography is provided along with
a useful index. |
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Note:
In the title and throughout the work, Garelick
spells Salome without the accent. Thus, any title or direct quotes I have
left as they are, but whenever I mention the name, I use the accent. |
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·
Annabel Rutherford is Dance Editor of THE OSCHOLARS. |
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Kate Macdonald: John Buchan. A Companion to the Mystery Fiction. McFarland Companions to Mystery Fiction, 1. McFarland & Company Inc. 2009 |
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John Buchan’s (1875-1940) reputation has
been controversial for more than a half century. Enjoying a huge following in
his lifetime as a prolific author of popular fiction, his reputation waned
rapidly after the Second World War due to changed social and political circumstances
which made the many popular stances of the previous half century seem suspect
and untenable. As a determinedly middlebrow writer as far as his thrillers
were concerned, though not without artistic pretensions as a historian and a
writer of historical fiction, he had imbibed and expressed popular tenets as
he found them, finding the modernist critique and dismantling of them not
amenable to his temperament. When the modernist faction gained the upper hand
in the academe after the war, former popular idols were to be torn down from
their pedestals in the name of high art and the likes of Buchan seemed to be
destined to the dustbins of history without undue regret. Ill-founded,
misplaced and at times plainly unjust criticism was levelled at Buchan’s books
to counter and silence their popular appeal. Yet a number of his most popular
books remained in print and were to lead to a revival of sorts some decades
later, though full rehabilitation has eluded him still. People enjoying and
studying Buchan still find themselves apologizing and explaining their
peculiar affiliation, though by now it is clear that his best books would
need no critical props to survive on the merits of their style and force of
conviction alone. |
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In the light of the above, Kate Macdonald’s
new book, John Buchan. A Companion to
the Mystery Fiction, launching the
McFarland Companions to Mystery Fiction series, is a timely and very welcome
addition to the growing Buchaniana. Her self-proclaimed aim is to “encourage
the reestablishment of Buchan as a writer of literature” (8), and for this
purpose she has undertaken to review the whole corpus of Buchan’s works, the
book being designed as a companion to Buchan’s fiction, a guide both for
scholars and those who are embarking on the discovery of Buchan’s enticing
world of mystery and adventure. A straightforward Scot, she has not balked at
tackling head-on the most controversial aspects of Buchan’s reputation, and
entries concerning the debatable nature of these proved to be the most interesting
for the present reviewer who, because of the nature of her own research, has
some previous knowledge of the issues at stake. For the beginner, her pithy
analyses and synopses of individual characters, books and stories prove an
invaluable resource, relating the different, rather compartmentalized worlds
of Buchan’s thrillers, romances and more serious historical fiction to each
other, so that a fully rounded world of Buchan’s imagination is laid at the
reader’s fingertips. The preface provides a handy update of Buchan’s
reception so far, and a brief biographical outline introduces the reader to
Buchan the public and private figure. |
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The world Buchan moved in and described
no longer exists, having essentially perished in the trenches of the First
World War. Some of its aspects survived in the interwar period which favoured
a homely conservatism that Buchan found amenable and deliberately propagated
in his own books. The Second World War swept away what remained of it, the
socialist, post-imperial Britain having little time for the concerns of the
manorial, land-owning class who had built and run the empire. Buchan had
worked assiduously to enter and establish himself as a member of this class
and had striven hard to convey the atmosphere and manners of their world as
he saw them. Such ‘elitism’ in the supposedly more ‘egalitarian’ post-war
world grated on the nerves of some critics, who felt called on to deconstruct
it in order to ‘reveal’ its harmful and sham nature. Wilful misreadings in
tune with fashionable critical trends have subsequently ‘uncovered’ Buchan’s
‘snobbery’, ‘imperialism’, ‘anti-semitism’, ‘racism’, ‘homosexuality’, the
betrayal of his Scottish roots etc. Based on a few out-of-context utterances
of Buchan’s characters or instances of the plot, they ridiculously distort
the integrity of Buchan the man and writer. |
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Macdonald gives her considered and
well-balanced opinions on the matters above with a welcome no-nonsense common
sense. She deals realistically with Buchan’s off-hand references to the high
and mighty friends and associates of his ‘clubland’ heroes -- not as a
manifestation of Buchan’s mindless careerism but as the requisite social
wallpaper providing a wider context for his protagonists. Her particular
strength from a foreign reader’s point of view is situating Buchan’s
characters in their social milieu, their proper class affiliation being not
always obvious to the non-natives whose antennae are inevitably less tuned to
the delicate nuances of accent and circumstance. |
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Buchan’s gentlemen adventurers moved in a
world that was still dominated by the British Empire and took it for granted.
He sees no reason to apologize for their pride in it or the unselfconscious
way in which they interfere in other nations’ affairs, the last being justified
by their blatant un-Britishness. This offhandedness in settling other
peoples’ affairs looks most incongruous and feels most dated in Buchan’s
1930s books, probably the more so because Buchan is himself self-conscious
and defensive about the outmodedness of his essentially Edwardian attitudes.
Modern technologies and ideologies had shrunk the world, leaving less room
for the kind of imperial adventure he liked to write about, so he resorted to
‘cardboard kingdoms’ as a preferred setting in a number of romances, most
notably in the Dickson McCunn trilogy and The
Courts of the Morning. The former is set in fictional Evallonia in
Central Europe, the latter in a fictional South African republic Olifa. In
both cases meddling British gentlemen adventurers effect a coup d’etat to
help the hapless natives to govern themselves properly. Macdonald has chosen
to see Buchan’s critique of amateur adventurism in the former and even a
Waughean satire on imperialism in the latter, which may be a bit bold for the
present reviewer. But admittedly,
Buchan’s less carefully composed books tend to be inconsistent enough to
allow a variety of views, The Courts of
the Morning also making a
strong case in favour of corporate American finance taking over the economy
of small nations. |
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‘Anti-Semitism’ as a label has stuck to
Buchan most consistently and most unjustly. A few words and phrases, torn out
of context or put into the mouth of unreliable narrators have been used to
give Buchan a profile of a Jew-hater. Macdonald reiterates all the by now
familiar arguments to demonstrate the absurdity of the idea, pointing out the
contexts and circumstances in which such remarks occur, the casual
anti-Semitism which was a European habit of thought before the holocaust,
Buchan’s heart-felt and vocal support for the creation of the state of
Israel, and the recognition of it by his name being included in the Golden
Book of Israel. His Jewish characters are varied, good and bad, like his
Anglo-Saxon ones, as Macdonald rightly shows. She could have included on the
positive side one more character whose very essence makes accusations
ridiculous. In The Prince of the
Captivity, the highly idealistic protagonist’s chief mentor is an even
more noble-minded Jewish master spy who works for the cause of Israel with
supreme skill and exceptional bravery, smilingly facing death in front of a
German rifle squad. |
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Buchan’s ‘boyish girls’ and ‘girlish men’
and the concomitant speculations about whether Buchan was or was not inclined
to homosexuality (at least subconsciously, as his well-documented life shows
a very straight and happily married man and father), have surprisingly become
a topic in our over-sexualized age. A reader familiar with the whole of
Buchan’s oeuvre will find such charges mildly ridiculous. A reader familiar
with the habits of thought before Freud came along will surely find nothing
extraordinary in warm lifelong friendships between men, or women who are
willing to be more than mere wilting sex objects. The fact that Sandy
Arbuthnot is a couple of times described as having absurdly girlish eyes, or
a heroine or two boldly stride over the moors in wind or rain, should give
the reader no cause for alarm. As Macdonald shows, we can view such bits of
writing as homoerotic, but it is really Buchan hero-worshipping his
protagonists. Athletic himself, it is no surprise that he admired this trait
in his protagonists, women included, and he definitely was no unthinking
macho to shy away from a few girlish traits in his otherwise most manly characters.
Macdonald also points out the remarkable change in fashions after the First
World War which favoured young boyish-looking girls at the expense of mature
matrons. Buchan always prized youthful energy and agility and strove to
retain these traits in himself, despite his painful illness, to the end of
his life. No wonder then that he chose to endow his characters, young and not
so young, with qualities that he admired most. Buchan’s well-known
difficulties in writing about women derive, as Macdonald also remarks, from
the requirements of his genre and the reticence of his generation when
writing about sex. Broadly speaking, his women are desexualized in a way that
would suit the adventure story addressed to men (they appear as prizes or
helpmeets of the male protagonists). There are a few instances, especially in
his early books – Sir Quixote of the Moors and A Lost Lady of Old Years, especially – when he tries to examine
the psychology of sexual attraction, but clearly feels uncomfortable with it
and retreats to safe stereotyping later on. As Macdonald also points out,
Buchan’s difficulties with women of the fertile age do not extend to his
safely post-menopausal women who are interesting, forceful and magnificent. |
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Buchan as a Scottish writer shares the
fate of a few others who have expanded their horizons and moved beyond the
narrow confines of specifically ‘Scottish’ writing. Difficult to classify --
Buchan in the second half of his career reduced the Scottish elements in his
books to capture a wider English, and later American and colonial readership
-- critics have been in two minds as to how to treat him. The difficulty is
increased by the fact that he chose to make his married life in England,
deliberately re-rooting himself in Oxfordshire, and moved out of his
lower-middle class environment by marrying into the English aristocracy. He
set his sights even higher, befriending two Prime Ministers and even King
George V. Ideally he would have liked to have made his career in the
administration of some white dominion, and quite fittingly ended it as
Governor-General of Canada, a consolation prize for having been refused the
ambassadorship to the United States. All this took him a long way from the
popular mode of Scottish writing at the time of his youth, the ‘Kailyard’
school of sentimental provincialism which he despised. He was also not
Scottish enough for the narrowly nationalist writers who chose to write in
defiance of what they saw as imposed Englishness, and too old-fashioned for
the determinedly modern. And yet, quite predictably, as Macdonald shows, the
most memorable of his passages and scenes occur in the Scottish setting.
Despite his thrillers becoming in tone and language more ‘English’/’British’,
he remained a determinedly Scottish poet, a Scottish critic and a very
Scottish public figure. In recent decades Buchan appears to have been partly
rehabilitated as a Scottish writer, in tune with growing Scottish
nationalism. To a non-Scot who returns to Buchan time and again in search of
Scotland lovingly and memorably rendered, this recognition has been
inexplicably long overdue. |
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To a Buchan aficionado, and there must be
many, to judge by the sales figures of his most popular thrillers at least,
Macdonald’s book is a delightful source book to dip into and compare notes.
To a newcomer, it provides a comprehensive introduction to the variegated
worlds of Buchan’s fiction. |
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·
Pilvi Rajamäe is a Lecturer in English
history at the University of Tartu. Her special interest has been the English
country house which led indirectly to the Victorian Chivalric Revival, which
in turn fired an interest in John Buchan. She is the founding member and
executive director of the Estonian Centre for British Studies and is an
Associate Editor of THE OSCHOLARS. |
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Daniel A. Novak: Realism, Photography, and Nineteenth-Century Fiction. Cambridge
and New York: Cambridge University Press 2008, pp. xv + 229, ISBN
978-o-521-88525-6 hardback |
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If you think that Victorians considered
photography a technology for the representation of objective reality, the
experience of reading Daniel A. Novak’s book might dismember your thoughts
and reconstruct them. Roughly speaking, that is more or less what he argues
happened to photographic bodies in the Victorian practice called ‘composition
photography’, where bodies from different images were juxtaposed in new
contexts. In such cases, the photographic body and the private identity of
models were torn apart, and the result was the production of what Novak calls
‘novel bodies’. According to him,
this technique was not an exception, but the rule to Victorian photographic
practice (‘photography set the standard for what was not real’), and the main task of his study is to trace a line
between this specific technology and literary fiction: ‘this book redefines
what ‘photographic realism’ meant for the Victorians and changes our
definition of and expectations for literary realism (6).’ |
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As often happens with inspired research,
and this is one of the most inspired and inspiring books I have read in a
while, the author manages to convince the reader through a series of
paradoxical argumentations which are not always as accurate as they seem.
Novak includes a letter of George Eliot in his introduction, and it seems to
me that he exploits its meaning in order to show that ‘Eliot associates
photography with inaccuracy and distortion (3).’ Eliot describes photographic
portraits as ‘detestable introductions, only less disadvantageous than a
description given by an ardent friend to one who is neither a friend nor
ardent (3)’. In my opinion what she means is that, unlike paintings,
photographs are dull, flat, mechanical, mere facsimiles of the originals,
which may also explain why, unlike what happened for etchings and engravings,
for most of the nineteenth-century there was not a copyright on photographic
art reproductions notwithstanding the incredible diffusion of illegal images. |
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However, this does not affect Novak’s
main argument on the association of photography with the distortions of
literary fiction: ‘in the face of visual dissolution, art photography set out
to restore aesthetic unity, and in the process it produced realism itself as
a photographic fiction (4)’. Truth is a composition, then, and not a
patchwork (as Henry Peach Robinson has it), because, one may argue,
photography is an art and the hand of photographers works like the pen of
omniscient narrators in nineteenth-century fiction. The distinct figures who
‘won’t mass together’ (4) in group photographs resemble the modern crowds
that both narrative paintings and choral novels show as typified subjects who
struggle because of proximity to one another, which brings me get back to the
relationship between painting and photography, and makes me wonder whether
Novak’s argument would have been helped by a different focus on the former
art. |
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Although Novak tries hard to convince the
reader that resemblance has a less important role in photography than we have
always believed, I insist that it is through the exploitation of immediate
likeness that the manipulation of photographic bodies is able to offer a
sense of displacement. If it weren’t for ‘objective’ resemblance, the
technology of realism, that is the mixture between factuality and fiction,
would be pointless. In this sense, I don’t agree with Novak when he argues
that ‘the photographic body can carry meaning and value only insofar as it is
already evacuated of meaning and stripped of specific value (22).’ In family
and celebrity pictures, it is recognition that informs meaning. On the
contrary, anonymity is requested in artistic pictures, where there is a clear
distinction between model and subject, two figures that are sometimes blurred
in the first part of this book (see pages 18-19). |
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According to Novak, ‘in the practice,
theory, and discourse of Victorian photography, the technology of realism
produced its opposite: a body that is at once fragmented and interchangeable,
divisible and abstract (63).’ In the first chapter of the book, Novak argues
this concept of photographic composition by comparing it to Karl Marx’s
alienated worker, whose interchangeability and ability to lose his
particularity makes the whole economic composition possible (54), and it
seems to me that this is one of the most convincing arguments of the book. |
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In the second chapter, Novak contrasts
the bodies of Little Dorrit’s
characters Monsieur Rigaud and Mrs Merdle, arguing how the former’s ‘failure
as a model, his inability to play any other role than that of the villain,
reinforces the sense that his is a body all too stable, and probable’, while
the latter ‘offers a likeness of Dickens’s artists’ models and the
photographic models used for composition photography (81)’. Since Novak uses
these examples to discuss the relationship between the model’s body and the ability of the
novel to be a whole through the reader’s forgetfulness of the labor of
assembly that produced it, I was surprised not to find any mention of
Rigaud’s death under the collapse of the house on top of him, which well
explains the kind of menace he brings to the novel according to Novak’s own
standards. |
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Though Novak’s literary examples are
often grounded in Dickens’s The Ghost
of Art, it is the employment of Henry James’s short story The Real Thing that urges my main
question to the author of the book: in my opinion Mr and Mrs Monarch’s
inability to be other than their gentlemanly and lady-like selves while
sitting for the artist, their being ‘the real thing’, has less to do with
mechanical reproduction (36) than with integrity, straightness. And straight
is not an accidental term here (it is also used by James to describe Mr
Monarch himself). The examples Novak chooses in the following chapters
demonstrate that both composite photographs and literary realism operate as
displaced abstractions and do violence to particularity itself are those of
Daniel Deronda and Dorian Gray, that is, two queer figures who, unlike ladies
and gentlemen of mid-Victorian fiction, cannot express their identity in full
in the environment they find themselves in, and must therefore resort to
abstraction in order to reach the absolute ideal they end up representing.
This makes me think that what Novak calls ‘the rule’ of Victorian
photographic standards is only applicable to those liminal figures who must
be abstracted in order for them not to be a threat, like working-class
models, Jews, and homosexuals. |
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Most of the third chapter is dedicated to
a comparison between Francis Galton’s composite photographs and the idea,
developed through Daniel Deronda’s own selflessness, that Jewishness
represents the only possible typology since it is in abstraction that it
finds its identity. But it is in the fourth chapter that, in my opinion,
Novak scores the largest goal in the book. ‘Seemingly inverting Michel
Foucault’s famous theory of the discursive shift from the sodomite as a
perpetrator of forbidden acts, into the ‘species’ of personality of the
homosexual’, Novak argues that, ‘rather that turning the act into a subject,
Carson [the counsel for the prosecution during Wilde’s first trial in 1895]
attempts both to turn the subject into an act, and to transform the fictional subject into a juridical
body (122).’ Indeed, Napoleon Sarony’s photographs which are used during the
trial show Wilde as a fictional character, whose accessories, pose and gaze
had been fixed by the photographer, but the Marquess of Queensberry used
those pictures as evidence of his being a ‘somdomite’ [sic!]. Novak’s point
is that ‘the prosecution in Wilde’s first trial inverted Sarony’s
transformation of photography into fiction, by reading Wilde’s fiction as a
form of photographic evidence (135).’ This leads Novak to conclude that the
body of aestheticism resembles the model’s body in Victorian photographic
techniques (124), and, above all, that realism and aestheticism depend on the
same technology and aesthetic because fragmentation and recomposition are
central to both productions (128). |
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In his intriguing ‘after-image’, Novak
compares digital photography to composition photography in Victorian practice
and wonders whether digital technology produces a real departure from
photographic tradition. I think that it is in connections like this that this
book succeeds in full. Paradoxical as it may seem, the main strength of this
study seems to me to lie in the thread it weaves between past and present,
not in the subversion of the schemes he thinks we have always been taught to
believe in. But above all, unlike many of the books published nowadays, this
is a study that does not attempt to reify Victorians in order to make them
more vulnerable, but manages to remind us that we are the objective of nineteenth-century, and not vice versa. |
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·
Luca Caddia has a degree in Philosophy
and a Doctorate in English Literature (both at the University of Rome ‘La
Sapienza’). As an Associate Editor of THE OSCHOLARS, with Elisa Bizzotto and Costanza
Vettori he is co-editing the pages we are publishing on fin-de-siècle
Italy under the title RAVENNA |
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Tony Pinkney : William Morris in Oxford, The Campaigning Years, 1879-1895. Glyndŵr: Iluminati
Books, 2007. ISBN: 9780955591808 |
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Morris scholars and enthusiasts will be
aware that Oxford was a significant and special place in the life of William
Morris; until they read Tony Pinkney’s William
Morris in Oxford it’s doubtful they will appreciate just how significant
and how special. All Morris’s biographers have dedicated pages to exploring
the formative influence of Morris’s undergraduate years as a student at
Exeter College from 1853-55 on his future intellectual and artistic life, and
it was in Oxford that some of Morris’s most enduring friendships and creative
partnerships were forged. He also met his wife, Jane Burden, there and began
his professional life – a short-lived stint as an architect – articled to
G.E. Street who had offices in Beaumont Street. What Morris’s biographers
have been less concerned with, however, is the influence Morris had on
Oxford. Pinkney’s fine book is interested in just that – in what Morris
‘strove to make happen there’ and ‘how he aspired to become in his turn a
formative intellectual influence on generations of students’ (4). |
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In charting the nature of Morris’s
lifelong relationship with the city, William
Morris in Oxford also charts the major developments in Morris’s social
and political thought and the shifting focus of his activities until his
death in 1896. The book is structured chronologically around Morris’s major
public speeches and campaigns in the city, from his address in the Sheldonian
denouncing the proposed restoration of the west front of St Mark’s Cathedral
in 1879, to his speech on the future direction of Socialism to the Oxford and
District Socialist Union in 1895, and in drawing this material together for
the first time Pinkney presents the role of Oxford in Morris’s life in a
striking new light. Indeed in Pinkney’s study the city seems to function as a
crucible for Morris’s diverse yet always interrelated intellectual, artistic
and political interests and activities, and his sphere of influence can be
seen extending from the higher echelons of the Oxford academic community in
the Sheldonian in 1879 to the working class men and women who formed part of
the audience in the Central Boys’ School in 1895. |
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Some of the speeches collected in this
book have never been fully documented and the scope of Pinkney’s research is
impressive as he pieces together various accounts of Morris’s activities in
Oxford from journals, newspapers, letters, minutes of meetings, memoirs and
anecdotes. The result is a vibrant recreation of the scenes of Morris’s
various talks in which we experience the sights, sounds and even smells of
each occasion, as in Stephen Gwynne’s first hand account of a Tory
undergraduate opening ‘a large bottle of sulphuretted hydrogen at the back of
the room’ in order to disrupt the meeting of the Oxford branch of the
Socialist League on 25 February 1885 at which Morris and Edward Aveling were
the invited speakers (94). We hear the applause and the heckling, the cheers
and the hisses which Morris seems generally to have accepted in good spirit
as part of the rough and tumble of public speaking, and we also have
intriguing insight into the various judgements passed on Morris’s
performances by members of his Oxford audiences. The correspondent for the Cambridge Review, for example, evidently objected to what he termed
Morris’s ‘singularly unpolished’ style and ‘somewhat colloquial’ manner in
his 1879 address in the Sheldonian (19), whilst Arthur Quiller Couch recalled
how Morris ‘stormed at us and threatened’ when he attended his talk on ‘Art
Under Plutocracy’ in the hall of University College in 1883 (67). But amidst
these lively and engaging accounts of Morris’s speeches Pinkney also manages
to convey a sense of Morris’s personal progress as a public speaker as
evidenced by the account of his final talk in Oxford in 1895. Here we see a
forthright and confident Morris asking his audience to contemplate the future
and challenging them directly with the question ‘what is it you really want?’
He demands an honest answer from them, one which rejects ‘all convention, all
rhetoric and flummery’, telling them outright that if all they want is a
reformed rather than revolutionized society then he has one important piece
of advice: ‘Don’t you meddle with Socialism’ (150). This is a rather
different Morris to the one we see in Pinkney’s account of the Sheldonian
speech in 1879 when Morris had a ‘relatively subaltern role’ in the
proceedings (19), and thus Oxford in this book becomes the stage on which
Morris’s development over sixteen years into an assured and highly effective
public speaker is demonstrated. |
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Oxford is, however, much more than a
backdrop for Morris’s speeches and campaigns in this book, and it is also
much more than a source of pertinent local examples on which Morris can draw
to illustrate the main points of his talks, be they to do with the importance
of history, the value of ancient buildings or the social injustices and
downright shoddiness of commercialism – important though those examples
undoubtedly are. Oxford does, in fact, become a character in its own right in
Pinkney’s study, in which we see the city changing and developing in the
second half of the nineteenth century as it responds to both national issues
and local circumstances. The account of Morris’s involvement in the campaign
of the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings (SPAB) to stop the
widening of Magdalen Bridge in 1881, for example, simultaneously reveals an
Oxford experiencing rapid population growth and the attempts of the local
authorities ‘to manage an expanding city and its changing patterns and
technologies of mobility’ (34). Similarly, Pinkney’s account of Morris’s
disagreements with the architect Thomas Jackson over the best means of
addressing the decaying spire of St Mary’s Church furnishes us with a
wonderful image of the two men stepping out onto the scaffolding to inspect
the statues (and subsequently providing rather different accounts of the
conversation they had high above the city), but it also provides a striking
example of how the city and university authorities were embroiled more
generally in national debates over whether the country’s ancient buildings
should be protected or ‘restored’. |
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In addition to these glimpses of the
changing demographics and architectural fabric of Oxford in the last decades
of the nineteenth century, William
Morris in Oxford provides an equally fascinating study of the city’s
developing intellectual and political movements. One of the real delights of
this book is the skilful way in which the wider context of Morris’s speeches
and campaigns is animated through brief but informative studies of a whole
range of Oxford residents, from Arnold Toynbee and Matthew Arnold to the
‘indefatigable’ William Hines, a college chimney sweep and herbalist who
played an active role in local politics and had fearlessly attempted to convert
Benjamin Jowett, the Master of Balliol, to socialism (141). A panoply of
Oxford personalities is thus brought vividly to life in these pages, and the
consideration of the direct and indirect association of these individuals
with Morris is an original and illuminating contribution to our understanding
of his relationship with the city. From a personal perspective, one of the
most welcome inclusions in this cast of the good, the great and the tenacious
is Charles Faulkner, Morris’s friend from his undergraduate days who later
became a Fellow of University College. Charley Faulkner must surely present
one of the most enduring examples of human loyalty in his willingness to
accompany – or follow – Morris wherever he went, be it into the volcanic
wastes of Iceland (twice) or into the no less hazardous terrain of socialism.
Pinkney’s sympathetic account of Faulkner’s role in Morris’s Oxford ventures
is a pleasing tribute to this most faithful of Morris supporters, and the
description of Faulkner’s valiant attempts to establish a vibrant socialist
movement in Oxford, which earned him a brief spell of ‘press notoriety’ in
1885 (114), is for me amongst the most rewarding sections of the book. |
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Pinkney’s discussion of the continuing
hold Oxford had on Morris’s imagination and his reciprocal influence on the
city does not stop with Morris’s death in 1896. In his Conclusion Pinkney
presents a succinct and persuasive analysis of the significance of Oxford in A Dream of John Ball and News from Nowhere, before considering
Morris’s legacy in Oxford in the early twentieth century. Again Pinkney
brings a fresh perspective to Morris’s influence on later scholars such as
J.R.R. Tolkien and G.D.H. Cole by approaching them in the context of wider
debates and developments in the university which had their roots in Morris’s
own campaigning years in Oxford. Hence we not only hear of the influence of
Morris’s late prose romances on The
Lord of the Rings, but also of Tolkien’s reform of the Oxford English
syllabus ‘in favour of early English and other early literature’ (166), a
move that looks back to Morris’s own views on the establishment of the Merton
Chair of English Language and Literature in 1885 when he declared ‘philology
can be taught, but “English Literature” cannot’ (119). Indeed Morris’s
forthright comments on the teaching of English Literature at university can
still be rather uncomfortable reading for those Morris devotees amongst us
who are engaged in doing just that – not least because of his pessimistic
prophecy that it would lead to teaching and writing riddled with
‘subjectivism, intellectual vagueness, perverse ingenuity, and a truncating
of historical periods’ (119). But whilst Tolkien championed literary and
philological interests that were clearly in tune with Morris’s own
enthusiasms, he was most certainly not the champion of Morris’s political
legacy in Oxford. That job fell to the political theorist G.D.H. Cole whose
reading of News from Nowhere at the
age of sixteen had, in his own words, ‘made me feel, suddenly and
irrevocably, that there was nothing but a Socialist that it was possible for
me to be’ (168) – the sort of instantaneous whole-hearted conversion Morris
would no doubt have welcomed in some of the rather more intransigent members
of his Oxford audiences in the 1880s. Although Pinkney suggests that Cole’s
commitment to Socialism during his time as a Fellow of University College was
not quite as unquestioning and unshakeable as his predecessor Charley
Faulkner’s, he does acknowledge the Guild Socialism he promoted, with its
vision of ‘a creative and self-managed labour process’ and ‘a federation of
self-governed communities’ as ‘Cole’s lasting development of Morris’s legacy
at Oxford’ in the twentieth century (170). |
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And what of Morris’s legacy in Oxford in
the twenty-first century? The Morris and Co. wallpaper that graced the walls
of the houses of the first married fellows in Oxford in 1870s and 1880s will
no doubt long since have peeled away, but Morris would not have minded that.
If he cared at all about his legacy in Oxford, his concerns would certainly
not have related to the longevity of his domestic furnishings. Rather, he
would have hoped that Oxford might finally fulfil that utopian potential that
underlies so many of his references to it in his speeches and his writing –
the potential to demonstrate how culture and politics ‘can come fruitfully
together in a socialist synthesis’ (171). That potential, Pinkney asserts, is
still there today, and ‘whenever culture and politics come together again at Oxford’
he argues, Morris’s hopes and aspirations for the city will have been
fulfilled (171). It is an inspiring and suitably provocative thought on which
to end an excellent book – a book which will intrigue and reward anyone
interested in the history of Oxford or nineteenth-century history and culture
more generally, whilst being an indispensable addition to the bookshelves of
Morris scholars and enthusiasts everywhere. |
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·
Phillippa Bennett is Senior
Lecturer in English at the University of Noorthampton and currently
co-editing a collection of essays on William Morris’s literary, aesthetic and
political legacy in the twenty-first century as well as working on a book on
William Morris’s Last Romances. |
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H. Gustav Klaus and Stephen Knight
(eds): To Hell With Culture: Anarchism
in Twentieth-Century British Literature, University of Wales Press 2005.
ISBN 0708318983. £40.00 |
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Like many other texts on anarchism, this
book opens with a reminder of the confusions and deliberate
misrepresentations that surround anarchist ideas. And to correct these distortions, the
editors provide a sympathetic historical account of a particular kind of
libertarian socialist anarchism.
However, the essays collected in the book are not designed to explore
anarchist thought or defend anarchist ideas. Their purpose is to outline the
emergence and development of a literary anarchist tradition, through a series
of case studies of key figures and texts or, as the editors put it: to ‘trace
how perceptions and misperceptions of anarchist ideas and practices have
infiltrated British writing over the last one hundred years’ (5). |
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This is quite a wide brief, allowing the
inclusion of writers who used anarchism as a vehicle for their fiction –
notably Conrad, the subject of John Rignall’s opening essay – as well as
those who consciously identified with anarchism, for example, Herbert Read. It also facilitates a rich and diverse
exploration of the anarchic in literature.
Heather Worthington’s wonderful analysis of The Man Who Was Thursday reveals the multi-layered complexity of
Chesterton’s novel: the tensions between the noisy embrace of anarchist
politics, the chaotic anarchy of the real world, the unsettling, disruptive
influence of cultural nihilism and the order of the anarchistic
individual. |
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There are some persistent themes. William K. Malcolm’s chapter considers
artistic purpose, showing how James Leslie Mitchell’s ‘implicit’ anarchy
brought together a commitment to politically motivated art and a rejection of
culture in an anarchist aesthetic that was designed to draw attention to the
fictional quality of the novel and highlight the gap between art and
life. Malcolm’s interest in culture,
propaganda and political purpose are taken up in Kathleen Bell’s study of
Ethel Mannin and Emma Goldman. Like
Mitchell, Mannin suggested a critical moral role for artists, but whereas
Mitchell held to an ideal of a pristine no-state and to the disappearance of
art and the social divisions which supported it, Mannin cherished art as an
adornment for life which – in an ideal world – set it apart from propagandising
and politics. |
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Interesting questions about anarchist
aesthetics, modernism and avant-garde cultures are discussed in Paul
Gibbard’s chapter on Herbert Read and Victor Golightly’s analysis of John
Cowper Powys. Read’s embrace of modernism
and his construction of an ethical idea of art which harnessed notions of
dynamism and experimentation with moral conviction distanced him from
anarchists like Tolstoy and Kropotkin (who were critical of innovators like
Baudelaire), as well as writers like Powys, the self-proclaimed ‘old-fashioned … Tory’ (126), who
remained forever suspicious of modernist aesthetics. Golightly favourably compares Powys’s
utopian Dunnowair (from his utopian novel All
or Nothing) to William Morris’s Nowhere.
Yet Powys’s romantic anti-capitalism and his emphasis on imagination
and dreams is reminiscent of Morris; and given the contrast with Powys, it’s
interesting to reflect on the very different use that Read made of Morris’s
work, absorbing Morris’s medievalism into his social and political vision. |
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Political anarchism is another strong
theme. Raimund Schäffner’s
chapter on Ralph Bates, a little known but ‘outstanding communist
propagandist, journalist and novelist’, examines the politics of the Spanish
civil war (1936-39) through the lens of Bates’s two novels Lean Men and The Olive Field. Of all the essays in the collection, this is
perhaps most centrally concerned with anarchist thought and revolutionary
practice. However, Stephen Knight’s
essay on English-language Welsh fiction (which has a companion piece in Katie
Gramich’s discussion of contemporary Welsh fiction) is also a case study of
anarcho-syndicalism; and David Goodway’s impressive comparison of Aldous
Huxley and Alex Comfort provides a potted history of British post-war
anarchism and the role that CND, pacifism and sexuality played within it.
Combined, they give a marvellous snapshot of the diversity of anarchist
thought and of shifts in thinking from the early years of the twentieth
century to the appearance of the counter-culture in the 1960s. |
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A final theme emerges in discussions of
the nature of cultural anarchism and its limits. This is one of the topics investigated in
Valentine Cunningham’s sweeping, magisterial essay about Emanuel Litvinoff,
anarchism and London’s East End. This essay looks at the construction of the
anarchist past, memory and the perpetuation of cultural myths, from Conrad’s Secret Agent to Litvinoff’s A Death Out of Season and, bringing
the analysis up to date, the work of Ian Sinclair. Cunningham’s dark, atmospheric account also
examines the cultural milieu in which the fictionalised reality of anarchist
politics has been explored, looking at Litvinoff’s troubled engagement with
Read and others and the cultural anarchism of Stewart Home. The thrust of his argument is that the
fictional world that Litvinoff creates remains rooted in historical
truth-telling and that it has a political force which modern mythologizing,
informed only by cultural engagement, lacks.
Thus, he concludes: ‘Cultural bombs are only metaphorically
bombs. The anarchism of … Home and
their gang is a kind of political conjuring trick, a set of jeux d’esprit, merely semiotic games …
All of which Emanuel Litvinoff more or less acknowledges …’ (159). |
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The final essay in the collection,
Christian Schmitt-Kilb’s discussion of the politics of drama, touches on
similar issues, but discusses the relationship between cultural anarchism and
political engagement through the lens of Murray Boockin’s polemic Social Anarchism and Lifestyle Anarchism. Borrowing this dichotomy he suggests that
plays which seem to fall into the ‘lifestyle’ category – Mark Ravenhill’s
work is the subject here – should not be read as celebrations of this type of
anarchism but rather warnings about ‘the disastrous consequences for both the
individual and for society if the ideology of lifestyle anarchism is put into
practice’ (205). One of the strengths
of Bookchin’s dichotomy is that it’s possible to lump together all sorts of
different ideas under the banner of ‘lifestyle’ before simply dismissing
them. Consequently, while it’s not
clear how the label of cultural anarchism maps onto it, it’s easy to see that
the possibility of the mapping exists. Indeed, Bookchin’s critique of
lifestyle anarchism is referenced, favourably, in the opening section of the
introduction: but it is only mentioned.
And it’s a shame, in the end, that the editors don’t tackle the issues
it raises more directly. For while we
are alerted to the possibility that lifestyle anarchists might be
perpetuating new myths about anarchism, equally potent but qualitatively
different to those associated with Conrad, we are not given much clue about
how the editors think these play out in culture – in the very diverse ways in
which the term is discussed in these essays – and what social anarchism might
require in terms of the politics of cultural engagement. They should be congratulated for producing
a tremendously enriching and diverse collection of essays, but in failing to
wrestle with the cultural limits of anarchist politics, the introduction
falls a bit short. |
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· Ruth Kinna is Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of Loughborough. She is the editor of Anarchist Studies and a member of the editorial board for the Journal of the William Morris Association. |
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David Stack: The First Darwinian Left: Socialism and Darwinism 1859-1914.
Cheltenham: New Clarion Press 2003. 149 pp. |
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Not only have the close links between
Darwinism and early British socialism long been neglected by scholars of
history, but they also stand in need of explanation. Thus, this volume deals
with an interesting subject. As the author points out, socialism is generally
believed to stress human equality, promote co-operation and praise the
benefits of education, while social Darwinists are presumed to stress human
inequality, to regard competition as decreed by nature, and to define man as
hereditarily determined. In offering an explanation, the author reminds us,
first, that early Darwinism was no monolithic structure but rather a highly
contested field permitting many different interpretations and applications.
Second, since socialists regarded themselves as a progressive force in
society, they were inclined to take the latest scientific developments very
seriously. What the reader gathers from Stack’s account, however, is an even
closer alliance between biological and political thought. Thus we learn that
Darwinism represented not just another influence on British socialism, but
that evolutionism and socialism, in fact, formed a coherent whole. |
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Chapter 1 outlines the ways in which the
political left reacted to ‘Darwin’s challenge’. As Stack argues, in the late nineteenth
century those elements of Darwinism that appeared antagonistic to socialist
principles were not fixed to such a degree that they would have made
different interpretations impossible. Since Darwin’s own theory remained
indeterminate in many respects, socialists favoured those interpretations of
his work that best fitted their needs. For instance, they played down the
Malthusian element in Darwin’s thought and interpreted the evolutionary
process as a continuous movement towards perfection. Refuting the claims of
those social Darwinists who regarded individual competition as a natural law,
they praised man’s social behaviour and his altruism as major evolutionary
achievements. In Chapter 2 the views of Alfred Russell Wallace are cited as
an example. Unlike those followers of Darwin who took the ‘struggle for
existence’ as a justification for their racialism, Wallace refuted the idea
of racial inequality and pointed to the fundamental differences which
distinguished human societies from the animal world. In his view, the
contemporary laissez-faire individualism represented but a remnant of man’s
former primitive stage while the evolutionary process pointed to an ever
increasing collectivism. |
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Chapter 3 discusses the relationship
between late nineteenth century socialism and earlier British radicalism, as
exemplified in the writings of Thomas Paine and others. While the radicals
still believed in a static universe corresponding to the deist philosophies
of the eighteenth century, socialists would subscribe to a more dynamic view
for which the evolutionary model seemed to provide a scientific explanation.
Pointing to the writings of Henry George, Edward Aveling and Peter Kropotkin,
Stack demonstrates how the mechanistic metaphors of earlier political theories
were slowly replaced by organic and evolutionary ones. |
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The fourth chapter focuses on Herbert
Spencer who coined the phrase ‘the survival of the fittest’ that Darwin would
adopt in his later writings. As Stack points out, it was Spencer’s theory of
the social organism rather than his emphasis on competition which proved
influential among British socialists. Thus, Spencer’s view that human
societies became more and more complex and less competitive in the course of
history was taken up by socialist authors such as Laurence Gronlund, Annie
Besant and Jack London. |
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Chapter 5 is devoted to an analysis of
the writings of James Ramsay MacDonald who would later become Britain’s first
Labour prime minister. In his book Socialism and Society (1905), he attempted
to unite Darwinism and socialism by applying biological metaphors to the
field of politics. He agreed with Wallace that human evolution was marked by
co-operation rather than competition, and he differed from orthodox Marxists
in his conviction that socialism would not arrive through a revolutionary act
but had to develop ‘organically’. As the evolutionary process moved in the
direction of ever more complex social systems, it would lead to socialism
almost inevitably. |
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Given the difference between the revolutionary
standpoint of the Marxists and the evolutionary views of the socialists, it
stands to reason that the sixth chapter of the book is devoted to the
writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Stack refutes the claim that the
two theorists rejected Darwinism out of hand because of its Malthusian
assumptions. Instead, he points out that Marx held Darwin’s Origin in high
respect and even regarded it as the scientific basis of his own political
views while Friedrich Engels’ scientific outlook also corresponded to the
basic principles of the evolutionary theory. Continuing with the German
discussions, Chapter 7 identifies Darwinian traits in the writings of Karl
Kautsky and Edward Bernstein. Although the two authors differed in their
interpretation as to how socialism could best be established, they both
shared a fervent belief in evolutionism. Thus, they replaced Marx’
dialectical interpretation of history by a linear one which they felt was
more in line with the principles of biological evolution. This tendency is
most obvious in Bernstein who preferred an organicist understanding of human
society before the Marxist view which defined history as a constant
antagonism between the classes. |
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In a book which discusses the
relationship between Darwinism and political theory, the subject of eugenics
should not be excluded. While Stack acknowledges that British socialists did
not remain unaffected by this movement, he argues that they preferred a Lamarckian
‘parasitology’ to the hereditarianism of the eugenicists. As he explains in
Chapter 8, the term ‘parasites’ was applied to individuals that ‘preyed upon
the social organism’ by acting in an antisocial way. What Stack seems to
suggest here, is that ‘parasitology’ represented a less problematic
counterpart to the eugenic movement in the wake of Francis Galton. Thus,
capitalists who showed a lack of responsibility for the common good were
branded as parasites, but they were not denied a capacity for ultimately
improving their behaviour. What the author fails to mention, however, is the
fact that the parasite metaphor was by no means restricted to the ‘idle’
members of the upper class. Even if Stack may be right in arguing that their
organic view of society prevented socialists from succumbing to the brutal
social Darwinism of some of their contemporaries, the dangerous potentials of
biological metaphors should not be overlooked. It was the characterisation of
undesirable groups as ‘parasites’, after all, which characterised the
rhetoric of nationalist groups in Weimar Germany and the Nazi policies of the
1930s. While the Volksgemeinschaft was praised as an ‘organic’ whole, its
negative counterpart was made up by the so-called Volksschädlinge (‘pest of the
community’), which in this case meant Jews, gypsies, homosexuals, alcoholics
and other minorities. This is not to suggest, of course, that British and
German socialists who cherished the idea of an organic society can in any way
be described as proto-fascist, but it demonstrates the precarious nature of
biological metaphors when applied to a socio-political context. In this
respect ‘parasitology’ proves at least as problematic as eugenics, especially
if one takes into account the fact that the latter was associated with many
different interpretations and applications, ranging from beneficial forms of
public health care to marriage restrictions, sterilisation policies,
‘euthanasia’ programmes, and genocide. |
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Chapter 9 is concerned with a series of
books edited by Ramsay MacDonald for the ‘Socialist Library’. Intended to
supply the British public with the works of European socialists, this series
included several works that attempted to reconcile the socialist idea with
the theory of evolution. Although hereditarianism was not rejected
completely, the authors who contributed to the Socialist Library generally
favoured environmentalist views. The book closes with a chapter on British
socialism in its relation to liberalism on the one hand and Marxism on the other.
While the former was rejected because of its promotion of a laissez-faire
economy, the latter was modified by pointing to the continuous process of
cultural evolution which made a revolutionary change appear scientifically
dubious. |
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One of the book’s merits is that it
reveals the impact of biological thinking in an area where many readers would
not expect it at first sight. As can be gathered from the author’s
reconstruction, the natural sciences already enjoyed such a high cultural
status in the late 19th century that socialists were virtually forced to
adapt their theories to a Darwinian framework if they wanted to keep up with
the times. At least in this respect they did not differ very much from those
contemporaries who used Darwinism in order to promote a far less humane
political agenda. The fact that Stack’s style at times appears apologetic
rather than descriptive may be taken as an indication that the debate over
the political implications of Darwinism is not yet over. The issue of
eugenics provides a good example. It cannot be denied that some socialists
favoured eugenic policies, although much further research has to be done in
this field. From a modern perspective one can either applaud the fact that
eugenics was such an insignificant element in British socialist thinking, or
deplore the fact that it had any place at all. Stack takes the former
position when he insists that some of the more problematic views held by
members of the Independent Labour Party should be kept ‘in perspective’. Even
if this may appear controversial to some readers, it does not diminish the
book’s overall qualities. All in all, Stack’s portrayal of the ‘first
Darwinian left’ is informative, well written, and sheds light on a hitherto
neglected field. |
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Richard Nate has held the Chair of English
Literature at the Catholic University of Eichstätt-Ingolstadt since 2003, and
his main areas of research are science and literature, cultural
self-perception, history and theory of rhetoric, and early modern language
theories. |
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To
the Table of Contents of this page |
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