THE OSCHOLARS LIBRARY

From Robert Fraser: Proust and The Victorians: The Lamp Of Memory (Macmillan, 1994), republished by kind permission.

 

Chapter 9.  The Lamp of Artifice: Proust, Darwin and Wilde

 

I

 

Marcel stands at the turn of the stairwell, watching. The world revealed before his bedazzled eyes, fresh from Combray and the blossoming nymphs of Balbec, is magnificent and puzzling. Having for so long considered the profiles of the Guermantes from afar, their very presence in the pews at Combray, like their effigies in the windows overhead, mysterious, he is now living, in the Hôtel Guermantes, almost amongst them. Although not of their tribe, his residence in the apartment adjoining the quarters where the Duc and Duchesse themselves reside gives him extraordinary visual access to the goings-on over the way. Like an anthropologist, he bides his time and waits, taking stock in the meantime of what the servants tell him, more especially Françoise whose position makes her privy to downstairs secrets denied to him. Françoise is a listener; he a watcher. He is also a sort of scientist:

In default of the geologist's prospect, I had at least that of the botanist as through the blinds on the staircase I watched the little flower-tree of the Duchesse and the plant exposed in the court-yard with all the persistence with which parents bring their children out of the marriage market, and I wondered whether the improbable insect would, by providential chance, arrive to pay its visit to the offered, defenceless pistil. (NP, III, 3-4)

For observers are neutrals no more than scientists. In the free zone that the staircase represents between the appanage of the Guermantes and the rented domain of his own family, Marcel scours the landscape like a scout, taking bearings to left and to right. At one point in the text he compares himself to those Boer scouts who, in the recent South African war, had needed to reconnoitre the veldt under the very eyes of the enemy, that is to say the British. Scouts are there to elicit facts: they are also there to confirm, since scouts, like spies, work on the basis of hypotheses - as famously do scientists.

As did Charles Darwin when, on holiday with his daughter Henrietta in Torquay the summer following the publication of The Origin of Species, he squatted on all fours before the erect stem of the wild orchid waiting as Marcel waits, to observe the style of the flower being fertilised by a bee.1 Like Marcel, Darwin was tense with expectation, for much was at stake. For one thing, it was some seventy years since his grandfather, the redoubtable Erasmus, had squatted thus and, with more relish than prurience, observed the orgiastic doings of the floral Adonis.

                            A hundred virgins join a hundred swains,

                            And fond ADONIS leads the sprightly trains,

                            Pair after pair, along the sacred groves

                            To Hymen's fame the bright procession moves

                            Each smiling youth a myrtle garland shades,

                            And wreaths of robes veil the blushing maids.2

'Many males and females live together in the same flower', remarked Erasmus soberly in his notes, but grandson Charles was apt to confirm the more decorous facts of monogamy. Where Erasmus had noted amorous riot within the open bell of the flower, Charles awaited, with curiosity and trepidation, the lone approach of a drone.

Orchids, in mid-Victorian Britain, were experiencing something of a vogue. They were beautiful, they were exotic; their very lusciousness and variety seemed evidence less of design than of the generous profusion of nature, a spilling out of form in redundant and wanton excess. They had all the gorgeousness, all the voluptuous superfluity in which Erasmus Darwin's poetry, if not his prose, had once delighted. For his grandson, however, in the aftermath of the controversy of his recent book, the lurid beauty of the orchids had to be a functional thing germane to its survival in a world of competing botanical types. The obscene shape of the labellum, worn with such bravura by the poets of the Aesthetic movement, was only justified if germane to the plant's survival, or in other words its improvement since, transcending the classic classificatory systems of Linnaeus, Darwin was bent on proving that flowers, like the beasts, evolved. The shape of the flower could thus be seen as a trap to lure the bee-messenger, laden with his burden of exogamous pollen, deep within, where the unlikely mating of insect and flower, proboscis and anther, might occur.

Considering that orchids were hermaphrodite and, as Erasmus had noted, rather interested in sex, what benefit could this complicated, risky and infrequent form of intercourse possess? In prevailing and uncertain circumstances of rain and wind, was not self-abuse not simply more available, but better? Darwin had himself noted this rather obvious point, and was determined to meet it. In The Origin of Species he had noted the advantages to all life-forms of cross-fertilisation. In On Various Contrivances by which British and Foreign Orchids are fertilised by insects (1862) he would prove it by illustrating the benefit that accrued from this bizarre cross-generic courtship to distant generations of flowers, if not of bees:

Considering how precious the pollen of the Orchids evidently is, and what care has been bestowed on the organization of the accessory parts - considering that the anther always stands close by and above the stigma, self-fertilization would have been an incomparably safer process than the transporting of pollen from flower to flower. It apparently demonstrates that there must be something injurious in the process. Nature tells us, in the most emphatic manner, that she abhors self-fertilization. For we may further infer as probable in accordance with the belief of the vast majority of the breeders of our domestic production, that marriage between near relations is likewise in some ways injurious - that some unknown great good is derived from the union of individuals which have been kept distant for many generations.3

More distant, we might add, than Charles Darwin FRS and his first-cousin Emma Wedgwood, married on 29 January 1839 at St Peter's Church, Maer by another cousin, the Reverend John Allen Wedgwood.4 A close alliance of kindred in a loving and familial setting: what, according to a rather simple sort of logic, could be more inevitable, even one might say natural? But the concept of nature, of naturalness, so beloved of the Romantic movement -so unproblematical even to Erasmus- was one that, in the tormented years of the mid-century, was apt to go two ways. The anxiety that the very idea provoked is clear, for example, in Darwin's prose. To speak of nature as Wordsworth had spoken of it was to invite the notion of purpose, invite by the back door the notion even of design. And design in turn involved the whole teleological programme that Darwin, whether working on lizards or orchids, was concerned largely to refute. In Orchids his favourite word is 'contrivances', suggesting difficulty, guile, a stealthy outdoing of numerical odds. Where his grandfather had perceived affinity and riot, Charles saw cunning, complexity, the perplexed and perplexing confounding of the obvious in favour of the various, the splendiferous, the efficiently motley and odd.

Hence it is that Marcel, tremulous behind shutters, awaits the occurrence of an unlikely event: the fertilisation of the Duchess's shrub by a common, wandering drone. But, attuned to one form of improbability, he encounters another. For on the horizon there appears, not the fragile questing form of the bee but the voluptuous and well-heeled one of M. de Charlus, most assertive and virile-seeming of all the Guermantes. The sequel was related many times by Proust in successive drafts of what was to become the shortest and most concentrated of all the parts of A la recherche, the first volume of Sodome et Gomorrhe, less a furtherance of the action narrowly speaking than an essay on the homosexual condition. The most enlightening of these drafts, 'La Race des Tantes', has a M. de Guercy rather than a M. de Charlus, also on his way to visit an ailing Mme de Villparisis (NP, III, 919-33); the botanical references, however, are merely implied, whereas in the final version they are central and explicitly Darwinian. For between Cahiers 6 and 7 and his final visualisation of the scene Proust had read Maeterlinck's L'Intelligence des Fleurs (1907). He had also read some Darwin: certainly The Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same species (1877) in the French translation of 1878 by Edouard Heckel with its introduction by Amedée Coutance; probably too Orchids and The Effect of Cross-Fertilization in the Vegetable Kingdom (1876).5

From the vexed and veiled loves of the plants to those of Charlus was but a short and tripping step. Both were attended with difficulty; both depended upon a complicated series of signs interpreted by each party, a process prone to misunderstanding and blighted by accident. The conjunction of Charles and Jupien seems to Proust's narrator, who has coincidentally been drinking at the Darwinian source, the sort of beautifully fortuitous coincidence in which 'nature' at her most devious excels. Charles is inquisitive; Jupien receptive. In a complex and orchestrated dalliance, a semiological pantomime as wondrous as it is comic, each adjusts itself to the other - the hoverer to the pistil, the insect to the flower. For Jupien, no ordinary blossom, is that miracle of floral organisation the Lythrum salicaria or purple loosestrife. Darwin had described this plant at some length in The Different Forms of Flowers;6 it was unusual in nature in that self-fertilisation was not merely inadvisable for it, but impossible. There were three forms: long-, mid- and short-styled. The pistil and stamens of each were adapted both to the corresponding organs in the others and to the body of the administering insect. The essential effective agent was difference: the pistil of the long-styled, for example, being the same length as the stamens of the short-styled, enabling the bee to fertilise the anthers of the one from pollen collected by its body from the corresponding part of the other. 'We may', wrote Darwin 'draw the remarkable conclusion that the greater the inequality is between the pistil and the set of stamens, the pollen of which is employed in the fertilization, by so much is the sterility of the union decreased'. For year after year, planting out and separating hundreds of examples, he proved the case: it was this difference within sameness that produced the tallest and the finest flowers.7

In his introduction to Les différentes formes de fleurs, Coutance tells of the adjustment of posture and attitude of the receiving flower in the face of the approaching bee. The stem writhes: the petals curl, ooze, dilate, offer themselves to its advance. In this botanical solicitation, none is more shameless than the purple loosestrife:

One would say that the plant has a presentiment of the approach of the insect which must bring it life. Never content to remain passive and inert, submitting to present its open and balmy corollas to the messenger, or to scintillate its brilliantly coloured labella in the sun, serving as signals to attract the bees from afar; here the stamens withdraw so that the insect may more easily collect the pollen which it transports; there they writhe and spread themselves along the path which leads to the nectar, so that the insect must pass along their serried ranks, brushing against them with its wing and collecting from each its message. In other flowers, such as the Lythrum salicaria, it is ardently awaited, and the styles are observed to arch themselves so as to brush against the belly of the insect and collect the staminal dust.8

If the potency of the purple loosestrife lies in its ardour and difference, then Jupien is a perfect example of it. Like the Lythrum salicaria he belongs to a unique floral tribe, one with exclusive and specialised adaptations.If the Lythrum salicaria of the long style mates most effectively with the Lythrum of the short style, Jupien mates most satisfactorily with mature gentlemen, belonging to that exclusive, beleaguered tribe: 'those men who are attracted not by all men, but by a phenomenon of human correspondence comparable to that which regulates the fertilization of the heterostyled trimorphic flowers like the Lythrum salicaria - solely by men much older than themselves'. Jupien is a nephew, or perhaps a niece, attracted exclusively to aunts, just as the short-styled loosestrife is attracted predominantly to the long-styled.  Humans, it appears, are trimorphic, or perhaps more than trimorphic. There is no essential sexuality in men, just as there is no essential -that is to say self-sufficient- flower, and no essential -that is to say self-directed- bee.

 

II

 

In the second chapter of The Picture of Dorian Gray Wilde's picturesque and gullible young protagonist listens enraptured to the sugared blandishments of the wealthy and hedonistic sophist Sir Henry Wotton. Abandon yourself, says Wotton, to all this beauty: live for it, indulge it, seize the glorious hour. Fascinated, Dorian succumbs to the logic, drinks in the suspect wisdom. The scene is set in the garden of Basil Hallward’s house while the artist is within, putting the final touches to the picture. It is June, and nature is at her most prolix. The poisonous blooms of the laburnum stretch overhead; the stars of the clematis cluster and cajole. As Wotton's words sink in, Dorian watches as a bee crawls into the open mouth of a lilac blossom he has just carelessly dropped on to the path:

Dorian Gray listened, open-eyed and wondering. The spray of lilac fell from his hand upon the gravel. A furry bee came and buzzed round it for a moment. Then it began to scramble all over the oval stellated globe of the tiny blossoms. He watched it with that strange interest in trivial things that we try to develop when things of huge import make us afraid, or when we are stirred by some new emotion of which we cannot find the expression, or when some thought that terrifies us lays sudden siege to the brain and calls on us to yield. After a time the bee flew away. He saw it creeping into the stained trumpet of a Tyrian convolvulus. The flower seemed to quiver, and swayed gently to and fro.9

But this is a topsy-turvy world where triviality and portentiousness stand on their heads. Dorian's seeming moment of distraction, his eyes wandering ineluctably towards the bee, is in fact a fit of abstraction, or rather perhaps extraction of the essence of a moment. The bee will be off in a trice and so will Wotton, but in the meantime the latter has deposited the pollen of a philosophy that will sustain and trouble Dorian for the rest of his short life. Looking back at that life in an equivalent moment of reflection towards the end, he confronts Wotton with a bitter truth: that the message he once brought him was not pollen at all, but a sting. The venom of this injection resided between the yellow covers of a book: 'You poisoned me with a book once. I should not forgive that. Harry, promise me that you will never lend that book to anyone. it does harm'. Asked at this trial what book this was, Wilde indentified it readily enough as Huysman's A rebours, with which typically enough Dorian's own citations fit imperfectly. None the less it is on Duc Floressas Des Esseintes that Dorian all too clearly models himself in successive fads for perfumes, pigments, varieties of faith. His fads extend to his treatment of the book itself:

He procured from Paris no less than nine large-paper copies of the first edition, and had them bound in different colours, so that he might suit his changing moods and the changing fancies of a nature over which he seemed, at times, to have lost control. The hero, the wonderful young Parisian, in whom the Romantic and the scientific temperaments were so strongly blended, became to him a sort of prefiguring type of himself. And, indeed, the whole book seemed to him to contain the story of his own life, written before he had lived it.10

The prefiguring shape that lies before Dorian as he contemplates the parabolic graph of his existence is that of a life lived according to the dictates of art: with the fastidiousness, courage, the delighted sense of freedom, discipline and risk that art at its most intense brings both to the creator and to the recipient. To some this has seemed a back-handed compliment to life. It is, of course, the opposite: a recognition of the complete semantic separation between the world of the everyday and the medium that purports to convey it, and an insistence on the sacrosanct autonomy in art which Dorian, with his befuddled application of Wotton's philosophy, fails to recognise. The case would be different if Dorian were an artist; the whole point is that he is not even a half-decent connoisseur like Wotton. Wotton is just a rather potent bee, and Dorian a mediocre if pretty flower - mediocre enough to think that, in a final whim of emancipation, he can destroy the picture. But it is himself that he destroys. Against the rebarbative surface of the art-object, his blow rebounds. Art, he thinks, is soft; but it is harder, more resilient than he. Dorian is in fact yet another Sainte-Beuviste: a pictorial and a literary one combined. Baulked in life, he takes his revenge in futile fury against the portrait, because in his irremediable ordinariness he flatters himself into believing that in some sense it mimetically refers to him: 'The nineteenth century dislike of realism is the rage of Caliban seeing his own face in the glass.' Dorian is Caliban, but he thinks himself Ariel. And, as Ariel, he thinks that he ought to be the dispenser of justice rather than its plaything. But fate plays him a strange trick, placing him at a further remove from the ideal, the more he travels towards it. When he looks at the picture for confirmation of his progress, it simply and curtly refutes him. He is left with the only sort of truth that art, for Wilde, can ever meaningfully convey - the immeasurable gulf between itself and all mundane human striving. Frustrated once more, he lunges: 'the nineteenth century dislike of Romanticism is the rage of Caliban not seeing his face in the glass'.

Seen from the literary, rather than the pictorial, perspective, Dorian is an imitation of his favourite book. In fact, the case is somewhat more complicated than he thinks since Des Esseintes, whom he idolises, is himself a copy of Comte Robert de Montesquiou, Proust's friend and correspondent and the doyen of the Parisian aesthetes.11 In that case, Dorian is a copy of art drawn from life. In that case too, Dorian and Charlus are cousins, Charlus being partially drawn from Montesquiou and Des Esseintes, Dorian's ideal, upon the same original. But if Dorian idolises Montesquiou, Montesquiou too is an idolator. In a side-remark in the preface to La Bible d'Amiens, Proust digresses on the connection between Montesquiou, idolatry and Ruskin:

To finish with idolatry and yet to make sure at the same time that no misunderstanding subsists between the reader and myself, I would like to draw a comparison with one of our most famous contemporaries ... whose conversation, if not his books, betrays this failing driven to such an extent that it is easy to recognize and to demonstrate without having any need to exaggerate to make the point. When he speaks he is afflicted -magnificently afflicted- with idolatry. Those who have heard him will not be satisfied with mere imitations which leave his merits unguessed at, but they will know of whom I wish to speak, who my example is, when I say that he identifies the stuff in which a tragic actress drapes herself with that worn by the figure of Death in Gustave Moreau's Le jeune Homme et la Mort, or the robe of one of his girl friends with 'the dress and hairstyle work by the Princesse de Cadignan when she first saw d'Athez'. And when looking at the tragedian's costume or his friends' dress he exclaims 'It's so beautiful' not because the material itself is beautiful it is the material painted by Moreau or described by Balzac and is therefore sacred ... to idolators. (CS-B, 135)

If Montesquiou, like Dorian, justifies life by referring it to art, Proust redeems the process by reversing it, turning the life figure of Montesquiou into the art object, Charlus. It is a process of transmutation on which his servant Céleste Albaret is more than usually helpful, pointing to the mixture of flirtatious, sycophantic admiration and plain insincerity in Proust's attitude to the Comte, both face to face and in their many surviving letters. This is something that we can observe for ourselves. In the correspondence, Proust is appreciative, deferential, sometimes almost gushing. It is as with so many of his correspondents: an adjustment of writer to recipient seems stylistically to occur at the beginning of each and every missive. Correspondence, one is reminded, is a social act. One can almost sense the muscles of ingratiating courtesy tightening themselves along the side of the face. Proust's letters never quite voice what they mean. It is a kind of empathy; it is also a kind of mask. And if Wilde believed in 'The Truth of Masks', that is the sort of truth the letters to Montesquiou convey. For Albaret, Proust cultivated Montesquiou like this as long as he needed him; after the creation of Charlus, however, there was a marked slackening of interest. From her position of protective confidante and servant, Albaret registers all of this, attributing it to a Wildean cause: the transmutation of Montesquiou as raw material into the sculptured shape of Charlus: 'Besides, I believe that, for a long time, the count had ceased to exist for Monsieur Proust. He had become one of those "people of fancy" ["personnes de songe"] of which he speaks in his book Le Temps retrouvé.12 'La vie n'est elle-même qu'un songe -dont nous nous éveillons à la mort', wrote Pascal: 'Life itself is nothing but a dream (or fancy) from which we awaken at death'. In the case of Charlus, however, life was the crude illusion from which, fictively, Montesquiou awakened into art.

Thus Proust succeeds where Wotton failed. There is a complex, shifting relationship between signifier and signified here, of the kind in which the fin de siècle, of all periods the most preoccupied with the ontological status of the artistic, positively delighted. Dorian models himself upon Des Esseintes, whom Huysmans in turn modelled upon Montesquiou. What is the connection between these various sorts of modelling, all of which A la recherche contains? Years before sitting down to convert the associates of his past into those 'personnes de songe' who will people his work, the narrator has modelled his conduct upon sundry acquaintances who cross his path: notably the Guermantes and Robert de Saint-Loup. It is all a blind. In thus aspiring, he is succumbing to the same sort of category mistake as he committed when mistaking Elstir's 'Baie d'Opal' for a real opal bay, or worst still, a real Opal Bay for the 'Baie d'Opale'. It is the same sort of fetishism that Ruskin commits in 'King's Treasuries', confusing reading with conversation, a blunder for which Proust in his preface corrects him. The equivalence that exists between art and life is not that which pertains between individuals: in artistic modelling, the original vanishes away; in life it (or he) is reinforced. Dorian confirms the power of Wotton by living according to his edicts, and lives to confront his mentor with the evidence of his influence. Artistic influence, as Proust very well knew, is not of that kind. Hence his own meticulous fending off of all manner of influence after a certain period -after 1907 certainly- including some of the temporary manifestations of influence we have been considering earlier in this book.

 

III

 

Was Wilde ever such an influence? We must return to the phase of Proust's life when he was still susceptible to such things: December 19891. It was the year of Dorian Gray, and Wilde was over in Paris, being not a little lionised. He was invited to the house of Mme Arthur Baignères, where Jacques-Emile Blanche introduced him to Proust. They were about the same ages, respectively, as Wotton and Dorian: thirty-seven and twenty. Perhaps for that reason, they seem to have fallen quite naturally into the roles of idol and groupie. Proust, at his most mondain and impressionable that year, was rather prone to such fits of adoration at the time. In any case he was impressed enough by the Irishman to invite him to dinner at 9, Boulevard Malesherbes. He meant dine en famille, but Wilde, who seems to have been after intimacy of a different sort, thought he meant à deux. He thus arrived like a ship in full sail at the hour specified: in eager expectation, apparently, of a tête à tête. He was then shown into a drawing-room at the end of which -very comfortable, very domestic- sat M. et Mme Proust, the eminent doctor and his wife. Remarking curtly upon the gross ugliness of the house (we can almost translate the remark as 'What a cluttered, tasteless, Empire-influenced, old-fashioned, bourgeois house'), he then took refuge in the lavatory which, one can only assume, was just as ugly, to the door of which Proust, arriving in a fluster and ten minutes late, followed him. Two of Mme de Baignères' grandsons, who seem to have been privy of the incident, tell us what happened next. 'M. Wilde, êtes-vous malade?' 'No, I am not in the slightest ill. I was under the impression that I was to have the pleasure of dining alone, but I was issued into the drawing room. I looked in and your parents were sitting at the far end, so my courage dissolved. Au revoir, M. Proust, au revoir.'13

Three years later, in April 1894, when Wilde was on his final visit to Paris before his fall from grace, the two men met again at the house of Madame de Cavaillet, where, according to one observer, they eyed one another 'with a complex curiosity'.14 And no wonder. This time, nothing untoward occured.

There are among the contrivances of nature, as Darwin very well knew, some devastating mistimings. On this occasion one does not know whether to sympathise more with the flatulent bumble-bee buzzing in inappropriate places, or with the wilting and misplaced flower. On second thoughts, certainly with the flower. Wilde deposited his verbal sting and then left, departing with waddling and inept aplomb, and straight, as it happened, into the arms of disaster. 'Possibly there is a little of Wilde in Charlus', comments Painter; in that case, Charlus' timing, and his manner, were no better. Whatever view one takes of the evening in question, it was a misreading of signs, a pantomimic semiological ballet in which the lead dancer in the intended pas de deux fell flat on his face, and did not, it seems, recover.

But it is worthwhile dwelling for a moment on that complicated double gaze, the look of 'complex curiosity' with which, as Fernand Gregh noted, the whole affair concluded. Gazing, as Wilde very well knew, was an extremely dense kind of act in which meaning, double-entendre, violation and interpretation are tossed backwards and forwards between the silvered, opaque-cum-transparent surfaces of two opposite mirrors. There is a politics as well as a phenomenology of the gaze: Charlus looks at Marcel inquisitorially when he first sees him; Robert de Saint-Loup with an arch and haughty blankness that conceals spiritual sympathy. At Balbec, Marcel looks at Albertine who pretends not to see him; Marcel ogles and then follows the Duchesse de Guermantes. In A la recherche, and more especially A l'ombre des jeunes filles en fleurs, people gaze well before they speak; and the look is the first gambit in a multivalent interaction in which reflections, images and impressions -some true, some false- are exchanged. Often such gazing is the source of those very misunderstandings under the fertilizing influence of which subsequent relationships flourish; always they are expressions of a give-and-take of power. There is majesty in a look; there is command; there can also be a convoluted etiquette of obeisance. As with Proust looking at Wilde, gazing can also be, in a double sense, an act of regard. The whole of Charlus and Jupien's instinctual courtship is contained within their looking. What they say is minimal (though it does not have, as we shall soon see, a pertinent literary provenance). Their transaction is a performance they believe to be private; they are unaware of the narrator, now on the ground level of the staircase, looking on. What occurs therefore is a complex visual choreography à trois: Marcel looking at Jupien looking at Charlus; Marcel looking at Charlus looking at Jupien; Jupien and Charlus looking at one another and failing to see Marcel, who thus represents the blind alley in this particular ocular-cum-erotic maze. Therein, it might be argued, lies Marcel's power; therein, we have already argued, lies his weakness.

In Wilde, gazing is not only invariably both informative and dangerous; it is also the subject of an intense, almost anthropological, taboo. This is nowhere more evident than in Salomé, first performed at the Théâtre de l'Oeuvre, Paris on 11 February 1896 during Wilde's imprisonment. The play has been seen as many things: as erotic tease; as feminist manifesto; as decadent holocaust; as gay codebook. To all of these refining readings we must add that Salomé operates pre-eminently as a voyeuristic tableau in which fatality is conferred by the gaze. It is the young Syrian who begins the process with his visual obsession with Salomé: 'Comme la princesse Salomé est belle ce soir'. But his friend, the page of Herodias, grows jealous: 'Vous la regardez toujours. Vous la regardez trop. Il ne faut pas regarder les gens de cette façon ... Il peut arriver un malheur.'15 He urges him to look instead at the moon, which in turn looks down on both of them, Aubrey Beardsley's illustration of 1894 deciphering its face as a cross between a transvestite Lady Bracknell's and Wilde's.16 (If the moon were saying 'A handbag!' it might be just that; in fact what it seems to be saying is 'What an ugly house!', in which case the couple cowering to the right of the picture are rather like Proust's parents.) But in any case the gaze is fatal. The prophet Iochanaan adds his warning concerning 'la concupiscence des yeux' - the lust of the eyes. When Salomé is drawn into the picture, the young Syrian pays the penalty for his visual fixation, for she has caught the contagion, and when Iochanaan, as requested, is brought up from his dungeon, it is with her eyes that she devours him, eyes that seem to speak both of penetrating desire and draconian tactual restraint.  'Qui est cette femme qui me regarde?' intones Iochanaan. 'Je ne veux pas qu'elle me regarde. Pourquoi me regarde-t-elle avec les yeux d'or sous les paupières dorées?'17 But when the young Syrian, out of jealousy or else horror at both her visual effrontery and his own, upbraids the Princess for her ostentatious ogling, it is he who pays the price for his earlier visual fixation upon her, killing himself at her very feet. Meanwhile his earlier inability to take his eyes off Salomé has transferred itself by some sort of contagious magic to Herod, whose rooted stare toward Salomé provokes in Herodias a state of repetitive shock that has to do both with straightforward jealousy, and less straightforwardly with a kind of puritanical horror at his occular shamelessness; 'Vous regardez ma fille. Il ne faut pas la regarder. Je vous ai déjà dit cela.' And when in crude manipulation of this desire visually expressed -Herod's demand that Salomé dance being only the climax of this- Salomé demands the head of Iochanaan on a platter, Herod's self-accusation comes in the form, not of acknowledgment of incestuous desire or marital waywardness, but of a violation of this rather arcane visual taboo: 'Je vous ai regardée toute la soirée... Je vous ai regardée toute la soirée, votre beauté m'a troublé... Mais je ne le ferai plus. Il ne faut pas regarder que dans les miroirs.'18 Visual harassment we might call it, but if so we would be missing the point that the harm stems not so much from the looker as the looked upon. 'Il ne faut pas regarder que dans les miroirs' could mean, 'one should only look at oneself rather than others'; the context makes it clear however, that what is meant is that only indirect gazing is safe from harm or rather from the destructive magic, the evil eye of the one thus violated. At the culmination of the play Herod walks upstage away from the audience, and as he does so, in a nice reverse of Claudius's demand in Hamlet, act III, he orders the quenching of the lamps: 'Je ne veux pas regarder les choses. Je ne veux pas que les choses me regardent.' But in the flickering luminosity of the very last flambeau he turns round, directing his basilisk gaze directly at Salomé and issues the inevitable diktat: 'Tuez cette femme!' The soldiers advance to destroy her over a darkling stage, a death we may not see.

Six years before the performance of this grim and stately pageant, and three years before Wilde first committed it to paper,  J.G. Frazer wrote in The Golden Bough of the taboos that hedge around a king, including those of seeing. The whole society depicted in Salomé seems to be one convulsed by a sort of voyeuristic shame. It is pervaded by a sense of primitive dread in which the mere act of looking is invested with extraordinary destructive power. The inhibition that goes along with this is one with the style of the piece, gorgeous and yet buttoned in, instinct throughout with a sort of impacted ritual repetitiveness that brings it at times close to psalmodic chant. We are not far from the world of Pelléas; but it is a Pelléas in which the shadows have grown longer and more acrid. Wilde sent a copy of the play to Maeterlinck, Debussy's setting on whose opera Proust was later to parody.* He also sent a copy to Pierre Loüys, who had helped him with the French text.19 The homo-erotic velleities of 'Les Chants de Bilitis' linger somewhere in the background, for Salomé is a play that derives its power not from a vaunted explicitness, but from visual and dramatic restraint. But the politics of the eye is built into Wilde as securely as it is built into A la recherche du temps perdu, in which both Swann and later Marcel crucify their respective lovers by a demand to know, to look upon and to gaze.

 

IV

 

Among the most celebrated instances of such gazing occurs towards the end of Balzac's Illusions perdues in which the fake-Spanish priest Carlos de Herrera stops the carriage in which he is bound for Paris and looks longingly at the childhood home of Rastignac. The scene is referred to with loaded admiration at the Vendurin soirée at la Raspalière where Charlus, who has come down a notch in the social scheme, is obliged to defend his knowledge of Balzac's fiction against the pushy pedantry of Professor Brichot.20 Charlus has long since ceased gazing at Jupien and has transferred his affection to Morel, his admiration for whose beauty he is forced, especially in this new setting, to speak of in veiled terms:

How come! Don't you know Illusions perdues? It is so fine that moment when Carlos Herrera asks the name of the château he is passing in his carriage: it is Rastignac, the home of the young man he used to love. And then the abbé falls into a reverie which Swann rather appositely once called the 'Tristesse d'Olympio' of pederasty. (NP, III, 437)

     * For Proust's hilarious parody of Maeterlinck, see CS-B, 206-7, where what appears, however, is by Proust's admission less a pastiche of Pelléas et Mélisande than of Debussy's setting, achieved by the simple expedient of combining the psalmodic style with banal subject matter. the participants are 'Markel' and 'Pelléas' but night as well be Proust and Reynaldo Hahn:

MARKEL: You were wrong to mislay your hat. You will never find it again.

PELLÉAS: Why will I never find it again?

MARKEL: Things are never found again in this place. It is mislaid for evermore, etc.

On order to turn this into a feasible pastiche of Salomé, merely substitute le regard:

SALOMÉ: You were wrong to gaze at my hat. you will never gaze at it again.

HEROD: Why will I never gaze at it again?

SALOMÉ: Hats are never gazed at again in this place. You are doomed for evermore, etc.

The 'Tristesse d'Olympio' of Victor Hugo is a poem of amorous regret to which the narrator refers much later as summing up the languid appeal of the past: but the terms in which Charlus speak of it betray an identification with Herrera as gazer that is reflected even in his own actions. His encounter with Jupien in the courtyard of the Hôtel Guermantes, for example, gains much by being read against an adjacent scene in Illusions perdues, a first meeting between mentor and protégé which seems too to possess some relevance to the encounter between Wotton and Dorian that opens Dorian Gray. The scene in question is the meeting of Herrera with Lucien de Rubempré.21 Herrera is supposedly an envoy from the Spanish court, in fact a convenient and plausible enough disguise for out-and-out criminal Jacques Collin, who in turn disguises the sinister human puppeteer Vautrin. Collin appears in his true colours in the volume that follows, but in the meantime the abbé provides the despairing young Lucien, en route for a suicide attempt in the River Charente, with bogus spiritual sustenance, wordly hope and a reason for carrying on living.

Vautrin is a very persuasive bee, and Lucien a rather desperate flower, willing, however, to be perked up if the occasion arises. Even if he does not trail his petals along the path of the advancing proboscis like the purple loosestrife, or like Jupien before the blandishments of Charlus, he is like Dorian both intelligent and suggestible, if initially suspicious. Like Wotton, the abbé advises his protégé to dispense with commonplace ethics in the interests of higher claims. 'If your way of treating morality resembles your way of regarding history', says Lucien, fascinated and appalled, 'I would like to know what is the motivation for your present apparent charity'. But then Vautrin/Herrera offers him a cigar: '"Take a cigar and smoke it while waiting for the carriage." Lucien took the cigar and lit it, as they do in Spain, against the priest's own cigar, while thinking to himself, "He's right. There will always be time for me to kill myself."' Meanwhile, in the Hôtel Guermantes, the Baron de Charlus, rolling his eyes at the unfortunate Jupien, performs a rather similar move: a pass dressed up as a ridiculously pointless request: 'I would ask a light from you, monsieur, but I have forgotten my cigars' (NP, III, 8). Pat comes the reply: 'The laws of hospitality', writes the narrator, who by now seems half-wise to the event, 'prevailed upon the laws of coquetry "Come inside, monsieur and you shall have everything you desire"'. The couple retire within. Noises, subdued and muffled exclamations of mutual glee, the narrator on the other side of the wall, less voyeur now than auditeur, still reconnoitring like a freelance Boer.

In Balzac, developments are more discreet, but not so discreet as to put off Wilde or Proust, both of whom were devoted to Splendeurs et misères and apparently for the same reasons. It is Vivian, putative author of 'The Decay of Lying', who speaks Wilde's mind for him: 'One of the greatest sorrows in my life is the death of Lucien de Rubempré. It is a grief from which I have never been able to completely rid myself. It haunts me in my moments of pleasure. I remember it even when I laugh.'22

The context, of course, is a defence of art against life, artifice against naturalness, but still seems to echo Wilde's own private feelings. Writing to his mother shortly after his return from Beg-Meil (or speaking to her, since the remark is not recorded), Proust must have said much the same thing, since in September 1896 we have her replying in some astonishment: 'The death of Rubempré touched me less than that of Esther' (Cor, II, 133). An inevitable response one would have thought, and one which many readers will share, for Esther Gobseck, Lucien's lovelorn mistress and once prostitute, is every bit as much Vautrin's plaything as is the object of his sinister love, Lucien. Yet Wilde does not mention her death, and neither apparently had Proust.

Here are Wilde and Proust sounding exactly the same plaintive note, but what can they have meant? In the first part of Sodome et Gomorrhe the narrator speaks of the inverted reading of texts by readers whose sexuality is not that of the author. This happens apparently even at school, even perhaps in the Lycée Condorcet:

The college boy who while committing to heart love poems, or looking at obscene pictures, if he presses himself against his classmate, thinks that he is merely sharing with him the desire for a woman. How should he know himself different from all the rest when he evinces the substance of what he reads in Mme de Lafayette, Racine, Baudelaire, Walter Scott, at a time when he is too little able to analyse himself to take into account the fact that he is adding something of his own, and that though the sentiment is identical the object is different, that the person whom he desires is Rob-Roy and not Diana Vernon? (NP, III, 25)

There is thus an available homosexual reading of the text, something that in the context of an avowedly heterosexual author such as Balzac is likely to play havoc with any notion of authorial intentionality and raise receptivity to a commanding, even it seems an imperative, position. To what extent is Proust's collégien misreading his book? And assuming that he is so, to what extent does it matter? Proust's narrator, who for once seems to be talking on the author's behalf, talks of the boy 'adding' something to the text, as if this supplementary reading somehow amounted to a mislaying of one definitive sense, which in turn is the monopoly of the majority, that is as much as to say the numerically preponderant heterosexual readership. Are texts, is meaning, defined in this way? The question is of some relevance to Proust's procedures, especially to that supposed one according to which female characters are substituted for male originals, so that Albertine is a stand-in for Agostinelli. The corollary of this view seems to be that much of Proust's text is in a sort of cipher, its sexual charge reversed according to a morse code that its homosexual readers will translate with some alacrity and its heterosexual readers only with some difficulty. The implication therefore is this: that throughout A la recherche Proust is busy outdoing the normal construction of texts, that generic or gender bias that excludes or marginalises certain constituencies of readership. According to this theory, Albertine is a man, and the homosexual reader will respond to her as such, falling in love with him in consequences. It is as if Sir Walter Scott had made of Rob Roy an Amazonian leader called Diana Vernon, letting it be understood by certain gentlemen in Edinburgh that a rugged highlander was in fact intended, and enabling Caledonian proto-Proustians legitimately to fall in love with him while purporting to do the opposite.

Much as this appears to fall in with the argument of Sodome et Gomorrhe, it is important to realise that it simplifies Proust's fictive procedures very considerably. For we need not be afraid of insisting upon it too loudly: the narrator is not Proust. He is also heterosexual, just as he is Gentile. The sexual gaze that engrosses Sodome et Gomorrhe, just as it absorbs large parts of 'Un Amour de Swann' and La Prisonnière, is a three-way affair, a triangle. And in that triangle the Marcel of the novel is involved as reflector, not as agent? 'One should not look, except in mirrors', exclaims Herod. 'It is the spectator, and not life, that art really mirrors', wrote Wilde. All of this, as have already argued, is true, but it is vital to distinguish between levels. The reader of A la recherche contemplates a work of art within which the narrator observes life. To convert Albertine into a man would be to convert the narrator into a homosexual, which emphatically he is not. It would make of his disquiet at Albertine's adventures a sort of homosexual jealousy; as it is, he is disturbed less by the existence and allure of such as Andrée than by the fact of inversion itself. More that this: if the reader is in the position of the observerof that art inside which both Marcel and Albertine perform, and if Proust's own rule is applied, then a heterosexual reading that has Albertine as an only too pulchritudinous young woman has a validity all of its own.23 To subvert all of this in the interests of a militantly homosexual reading would be to do considerable violence to the delicacy of Proust's art. It would also be to undermine the organisation that the wondrous first section of Sodome et Gomorrhe is designed to set up: the distancing of the homosexual condition in the interests of a variety of art that is also a variety of science. It would be to turn Darwin into a Lythrum salicaria, or else into a bee.

 

IV

 

In a recent study of homosexual literature 'from Augustine to Wilde, Freud to Foucault' Jonathan Dollimore deploys a classification that is very interesting.24 His whole study, covering more than a millennium, affords Proust one passing mention - and that a remark ascribed to Monique Wittig that Proust 'made homosexual the axis of a categorisation from which to generalise'.25 Whether because this claim is so patently untrue or whether because, for the reason just outlined, Proust is rather a slippery customer to handle, Dollimore devotes no more space to him in a book which deals trenchantly and at lengths with his contemporary and associate, André Gide. Gide was a homosexual apologist, and Proust was no more that than he was a Zionist. For all that, Dollimore's argument invites application to Proust's case: homosexual literature, he says, is polar. At one pole, Gide portrays homosexuality as an authentic condition on a par with the heterosexual state. This is the 'essentialist' view of the matter. At the other pole you have Wilde rejecting the rhetoric of depth and authenticity, and replacing it with a eulogy of surface and of revolt. The 'anti-essentialist' pose thus maintained is easy to support by reference to Wilde's aphorisms, as Dollimore is not slow to do:

A little sincerity is a dangerous thing, and a great deal of it absolutely fatal.

All bad poetry springs from genuine feeling.

In matters of grave importance, style not sincerity is the vital thing.

Only shallow people do not judge by appearances.26

Such emphasis on surface throughout Wilde is only an aspect of something much wider: a rejection of the discourse of 'truth', 'sincerity' and authentic feeling -'natural facts'- which the late Victorians had inherited from their parents and grandparents, notably from Carlyle and Ruskin, and which much of the fin de siècle, orchestrated by Wilde and to a more concerted extent by Whistler, was busy shrugging off. Out of the discarded skin of such sanctimoniousness they slide, their brand new, jade-tinted epidermis gleaming. For Wilde, this advance was Darwinian. 'Aesthetics are higher than ethics', remarks Gilbert in 'The Critic as Artist':

They belong to a more spiritual sphere. To discern the beauty of a thing is the finest point at which we can arrive. Even a colour-sense is more important, in the development of an individual, than a sense of right or wrong. Aesthetics, in fact, are to Ethics in the sphere of conscious civilization, what, in the sphere of the external world, sexual is to natural selection. Ethics, like natural selection, makes existence possible, Aesthetics, like sexual selection, make it lovely and wonderful, fill it with new forms, and give it progress, and variety and change.27

Bees, then, are efficient aesthetes, but where does Proust stand in this process? Some enlightenment can be found from his articles on the cult of aestheticism in France, especially in so far as it coalesced around the bejewelled figure of his friend Robert de Montesquiou. In a unpublished article on his friend, later collected in Contre Sainte-Beuve, Proust addresses the phenomenon of the aesthetic movement as something that confuses and conceals reputations. Aestheticism has prevented others from appreciating the considerable merits of Montesquiou's verse -which for Proust has the adamantine clarity and hardness of a Corneille or a Racine- just as for a previous generation the satanic trappings of decadence had obfuscated the no less hard-centred merits of Baudelaire. Truth, he says, is not gained by the easy path of turning ethical platitudes on their head, nor is the flagrant novelty of such attitudes anything but skin-deep:

Such theories, which appear so novel are in fact well and truly superannuated, and to them one would apply that profound saying of Dostoievski: 'a paradox is the inverse of a prejudice, but is none the truer for all that'. (CS-B, 406)

If Charlus is the inversion of a heterosexual male, is he in any sense truer? At what level of the self, for Proust, does sexual 'truth' lie? Once more we must return to the narrator, portrayed not simply as heterosexual but innocent enough in the Montjouvain experience not quite to recognise what is happening, his tergiversations concerning lesbianism and sadism there being by way of extrapolations with the benefit of hindsight. It is not in fact until after he has observed the homo-erotic dalliance of Charlus and Jupien that the narrator is able, in retrospect, to construe the Montjouvain episode at all. His enlightenment is retarded by the fact that the homosexual world with which he gradually recognises himself as being surrounded is fairly consistently under wraps, there being not one single declaration of partiality except between consenting parties in the whole book. Charlus, for example, makes veiled overtures to Marcel, but he speaks of a freemasonry of souls (NP, II, 586-7). Robert de Saint-Loup hides his proclivities under the guise firstly of a besotted admirer of Rachel, subsequently under those of a bourgeois homme de famille and virile gentleman-at-arms. Throughout her period of residence with Marcel, Albertine consistently denies her lesbianism, as earlier Odette had before Swann. Throughout, the narrator is consumed with a desire to ascertain the truth that lies beneath these surfaces. Only when he receives at second hand the confessions of the young laundress with whom Albertine has shared moments of dalliance does he feel himself to be in possession of the truth about her nature. When, in Albertine disparue, he discovers that Albertine died as a result of an accident by the Vivonne, he feels that he has plumbed the facts, not simply of her nature but of Mme Vinteuil's. There is a remarkable collusion in all this between desire and knowledge, as if Marcel's desire for Albertine has been transmuted into a desire to know. It is almost as if he can give expression to his thwarted love for Albertine by learning the truth about her. There is an essence to Albertine's nature, just as there was an essence to the nature of Charlus.

In all of this, Proust is closer to Gide than he is to Wilde. But there are complicated factors. Throughout his observer's odyssey through the cities of the plain, the narrator comes across brilliantly turned surfaces that not so much mirror their depths as deny them. This they do partly for reasons of survival, and partly because the depths themselves are contradictory. For the narrator, the homosexual condition is one deeply at variance with itself, for the simple reason that what the invert seeks in a partner is not a being of the same sex as himself, but precisely of the other sex, the authentic gender of the seeker being precisely the opposite of that conventionally ascribed.28 Charlus desires Jupien, not because he is another male, but because being a woman himself he is looking for his complement, that is to say a man. And Albertine desires Andrée not because she is, like her, womanly, but because, being male herself, she is looking for her opposite, that is to say a girl. But this is precisely what the partner selected cannot provide. It is for this very reason that in Sodome et Gomorrhe the narrator dwells both on the beauty of all mutual attraction and on the necessary frustration of all homosexual desire. It is for this reason too that he rejects the very term 'homosexual' as a misnomer. Since Jupien is himself a woman, he will never properly satisfy Charlus; since Andrée is a man, she will never properly satisfy Albertine. Hence that elaborate game of sexual musical chairs described in the first book of Sodome et Gomorrhe: male homosexuals choosing lesbians for their maleness, only to find that what their partner seeks in them is a feminity they cannot properly provide, since it is a female body as well as sexuality that she seeks. In botanical terms, it is as if the short stamens of a long-styled trimorphic flower masked the longer stamens of the short-styled, dispatching pollen intended for the long-styled, only to find its partner was in turn so disguised, rejecting the proffered pollen as not originating from the apparent form. Or vice versa.

In all of this the narrator is an alien observer: a voyeur, yes, but a scientific one - more Darwin than Vita Sackville-West. What he uncovers is an essentialist, though contradictory underworld, tricked out in the colours of anti-essentialism, or perhaps pretending to an essence it does not have. The Baron de Charlus is a good case in point. Charlus is a Wildean anti-essentialist masquerading as a man's man. He believes in an implied freemasonry of homosexual affiliation, believes too, like Wilde -though more privately- that such affiliation posits a superiority to the self-defining norm. Such tendencies inspire in him an exaggerated contempt for the mob. During the war his disdain takes the form of refusing to endorse the prevailing Germanophobia. Unlike the average man in the street, Charlus reveres the Boche for their mental refinement, their artistic and moral excellence. It is an attitude of political eccentricity that mirrors his isolated sexuality. Unlike his bourgeois and heterosexual compatriots, he persists in loving the Germans, thus placing them in the paradoxical position of the forbidden objects of a tabooed, sodomite desire (NP, IV, 352-68).

There is a passage in Cahier 74 that bears on this.29 The narrator is talking about the divergent attitudes to the war taken up by British writers treated to propaganda trips by the government and invited to publish their conclusions. In War and the Future (1917) Wells interprets the conflict as signal in a fundamental shift in human technology on such a scale as to render war itself a potential impossibility. But Kipling (whom Cahier 74 stigmatises as 'more imperialist than the whole of German literature') portrays the same conflict in France at War (1915) as confirmation of a deep-seated herd instinct, of which he takes a perverse and rather grim pleasure in approving. For Kipling, the frontier between the Allies and the Germans is that between civilisation and barbarianism. This, says Proust, is rather like applying to human history the same evolutionary model as Kipling employs in The Jungle Book, where two herds on different rungs of the evolutionary ladder -the wolves and the monkeys- outface one another. The Allies are the monkeys; the Boche, one assumes, the wolves. Ironically in that case, Kipling is baying like a wolf. He even adopts some wolfish attitudes, adopting the plain growling attitude of the average (heterosexual) man-in-the-street, equally suspicious of foppishness in man and Germanism in Europe. As for Charlus, to extend the argument, he is neither wolf nor monkey but Mowgli, that highly sophisticated human creature who elects to hunt with the wolves. There is, therefore, a semiology of political and cultural allegiance, just as there is a semiology of evolution and of desire. Germans and Allies, homosexual and heterosexual, are caught up in a tangled bank in which signals flash across from side to side. Sometimes, as with Wilde and Proust, the signals are misread. Nature's system of signs is more complicated than any simple taxonomy of species can quite account for. When signs are misread, such misreading can even be fatal.

 

VI

 

One such lethal misreading occurred within the acquaintance of Proust in January 1907, in peculiarly distressing circumstances. His mother had died a little more than eighteen months before, leaving a wound that perhaps would never heal. His comforter on that occasion had been his maternal uncle Georges Weil, generous and perhaps needful enough to share memories with him. But in August 1906 Weil himself succumbed to an agonising muscular paralysis. By this time Proust was convalescing from sundry ills of his own in the Hôtel des Reservoirs in Versailles, from which on the 22nd he made a journey up to pay his final respects. Deep in the throes of an uraemia-induced coma, his uncle was too ill to recognise him, so he set off to Versailles deep in gloom. At the Gare St Lazare he seems to have had some kind of a turn. Drinking too much coffee in an attempt to recover his composure, he wet himself while standing on the platform (that, at least, is the most plausible account of what occurred) and had to be helped by a young railwayman, who promptly disappeared into the night.30

'The nymphs have all departed, leaving no addresses'. Proust made various attempts to identify and contact his saviour, but to no avail. One possible avenue was M. van Blarenberghe, chairman of the Chemins de Fer de l'Est, whose son Henri he had sometimes met at dinner parties looking pert and decorative, and making occasional witty ripostes. So Proust wrote, asking for the identity of his Good Samaritan. It proved a cul-de-sac. The father had recently died and Henri was plunged into a vortex of grief which he tried to share with Marcel, about whose own recent bereavements they had spoken. By this time it was September, and Henri, in an attempt to assuage his pain, was travelling in Brittany, writing on the 24th from Morbihan:

I regret acutely, monsieur, not having been able to thank you sufficiently for the sympathy which you have extended to me in my bereavement. You will have to excuse me; the desolation from which I have been suffering is such that, on the advice of my doctors, I have been constantly on the move for months. Only now, with the greatest difficulty, am I beginning to resume my normal life. Albeit belatedly, I wish to convey to you today how extremely sensible I am of our former excellent relationship and how touched by the sentiments which inspired you to speak to me, as well as to my mother, in the name of your parents, so prematurely departed (CS-B, 150-1)

Seven days later, Proust was sitting up in bed in his hotel in Versailles reading the morning newspapers when his eye was caught by an article in Le Figaro. It concerned a certain Henri van Blarenberghe who had murdered his mother the previous day, and then crudely and ineptly committed suicide. The mother had been discovered by the maid stumbling downstairs amid a welter of blood and unconsciously quoting the Lamentations of Jeremiah: 'What have you done unto me?' When the police arrived they found Henri lying on the bed downstairs with one half of his face shot away and an eye swinging loose. He has attempted to slit his throat and then finished himself off, nearly as inefficiently, with a bullet through the head. He looked blankly at the gendarme who was attempting to raise him for a moment, and then joined the spirits of his parents among the shades.

On 30 January, still at Versailles, Proust received an invitation from Gaston Calmette, editor of Le Figaro, to write the incident up in the first issue of the following month.31 He seems to have set to work virtually at once, but then, tiring, left the article unfinished before dispatching it to the Figaro office. When the proofs arrived he added a culminating paragraph so close to the bone that the night-editor, Jules Cardane, refused point-blank to print it. Perhaps not surprisingly, since what Proust had written was not merely a meditation on matricide but something that to unreconstructed eyes must have read as something approaching a justification of it:

'What have you done to me? What have you done to me?' If you wish to consider the matter, there is not one truly loving mother who could not, on her final day, often well beforehand, level this reproach at her son. At bottom we age, we kill the thing that loves us by the anxieties we cause, by the restless solicitude we inspire, endlessly provoking alarm. If we could but recognize that slow process of destruction caused in the beloved body by the sorrowing tenderness that animates it, witness the straitened eyesight, the hair which has so long remained indomitably black succumbing like everyone else's to whiteness, the hardened arteries, stopped kidneys, overtaxed heart, courage vanquished before life, slackening stride.32

'I wanted', Proust wrote in the uncancelled section of the article, 'to prove in what pure and pious an atmosphere of moral beauty this bloody madness had taken place.' Blarenberghe's crime had been not simply understandable but sacred. He was like Ajax, like Orestes, like Oedipus: figures honoured by the Greeks. His death reminds us of Lear's, and with Kent we well might say

Vex not his ghost: O let him pass; he hates him

That would upon the rack of this tough world

Stretch him out longer.

But, as Proust himself later acknowledged, the deleted last paragraph of his article, restored in Pastiches et mélanges, brings to mind another and more recent slayer: Trooper C.T. Woolridge, committed on remand in Reading Gaol in 1895, accused of murdering his young wife in a fit of passion. 'The Ballad of Reading Gaol', Wilde's elegiac meditation on his incarceration and subsequent hanging, had been translated into French prose with great dispatch by Henry-D Davray in 1898, the year of the poem's appearance, for the April issue of Le Mercure de France, after Wilde had taken exception to the same translator's attempt in verse. The famous lines about the omnipresent destructiveness of all love are therefore blander, though poignant enough:

Pourtant chaque homme tue ce qu'il aime, et que chacun le sache: les uns font avec un regard de haine, d'autres avec des paroles caressantes, le lâche avec un baiser, l'homme brave avec une épée.

Les uns tuent leur amour quand ils sont jeunes, les autres quand ils sont vieux; certains l'étranglent avec les mains du Désir, d'autres avec les mains de l'or; les meilleurs se servent d'un couteau, car si tôt les morts se refroidissent.33

In glossing his translation, Davray gallicised the crime, the young wife victim becoming naturally 'sa maîtresse'. But Wilde's lines refer too to his own circumstances: it was Lady Jane Francesca Wilde ('Speranza'), Irish nationalist and poet, who had died in the early months of 1896, weakened by bronchitis and broken by her son's disgrace. Constance Wilde had travelled from Genoa to Reading to break the news, and by 1900 she too was dead, succumbing to a disease of the spine.34 Wilde's disgrace and expulsion from polite society had decimated his family, his wife and mother 'aged and killed' by it within a very few months. Strange that in January 1907, eighteen months after his own mother's demise, Proust should parrot these lines, stranger too that he should reverse the clausal structure, turning rueful self-knowledge into affectionate remorse.

But the incident had touched a nerve. Way back in 1894, in Les Plaisirs et les jours, he had published a story in which a young girl horrifies her mother on the eve of her marriage by being discovered in flagrante with a moustachioed lover. Seeing them from a balcony, the mother falls forward and dies later of heart pains brought by the incident. The girl is not so much disturbed by the thought of any love play her mother might have witnessed as by a suspicion that she might have caught the expression of gloating pleasure in a looking-glass where, like Dorian before the portrait, she saw for the first time her own callous nature revealed (P&J, 95-6). For Proust, illicit love always seems to have been connected with the violation of parental ties, or else with a wilful urge towards cruelty. The autumn before Blarenberghe's suicide, he had already written to Reynaldo Hahn suggesting a theatrical project based on a scenario in which a callous though devoted husband brings prostitutes home, where he is surprised by his wife in the act of cursing her behind her back. The wife faints, then leaves him. After a futile attempt at reconciliation, he kills himself (Cor, VI, 216). There were obscure analogies in Proust's own life. Albaret has an anecdote that seems relevant here.  While getting ready for an assignation, Proust had asked his mother to buy him a new tie and pair of gloves, which had to be light yellow, the colour of 'fresh butter'. But the shop had sold out, so she bought grey ones instead. When she handed these to her son he was seized with a fit of hysterical rage and, looking around for an object on which to vent it, happened on a vase, which he promptly dashed to pieces on the floor.35 The incident appears in a slightly dressed up version in Jean Santeuil. What seems to have stayed with Proust was his mother's reaction of calm forbearance and his own tormented recognition afterwards of the pain he must none the less have caused.

Ronald Hayman speaks of the tension in the Proust household at the time of the cat-and-mouse affair with Comte Bertrand de Salignac-Fenelon.36 There were quarrels about furniture: a writing-desk that was moved out of his room and then back again. Proust was up at all hours, and then could not see his mother during the day. There were endless notes to and fro speaking both of contrition on his part, and between them a slow process of attrition that could not have done her health, nor his, much good. His brother Robert was about to get married, and the sense of his own slow drift towards another mode of existence would have caused him both guilt and pain. In the second part of Sodome et Gomorrhe the narrator speaks of the invert's condition as one in which the presence of the mother is reborn in the physique of her son: Charlus shows the face of his mother unawares and thus betrays his femininity (NP, IV, 593-6). The last turn of the knife is this: that in scorning the values of his parents, the perpetrator manifests the symptoms of his pleasure on features on which the parents' presence is written plain. Thus are ecstasy and betrayal inextricably intertwined. Was this what caused Proust to interpret Blarenberghe's crime as one in which a son murders his mother out of pure devotion? The sentiment is much of its period, with its careful transposition of values, converting filial love and piety -those most elusive and compromising of virtues- into a poisonous condition. A questionable conjuring trick we might think, even if, armed with a Freudianism that it is so tempting and therefore so dangerous to apply, we are inclined to add that Oedipus did in fact murder his father.

 

VII

 

Wilde's fall from grace was noted by Davray in his 'Lettres anglaises' section of Le Mercure de France in the very same month as the Ballad appeared. Oscar, who was soon in Paris once again, might well have seen it, as almost certainly did Proust, an avid reader of the monthly. Exempt from the moralising of certain sections of the British press, Le Mercure attributes the peripeteia of Wilde's fortune, less to a besetting hubris than to a sort of ethical vertico. Taken up to the pinnacle of the Temple, Wilde defies Christ's example and leaps:

A poet, dazzling mind, marvellous artist, a being unique and paradoxical, attains in a very short time the dizzy summit of universal acclaim, glory even, that sovereignty of mind he sees no need to curb. Caprices, fantasies, audacities he permits himself all, too complacent in his supremacy, too certain that nobody can challenge him, irremediably isolated on that eminence from which he cannot descend, he is visited by the spirit of the Devil who, having shown him the impossibility of ever leaving his throne and descending by the way by which he came up, reminds him of the ovations, the praises, the adoration of which he has been the object and which he will once more encounter as soon as he returns to the midst of those whose cries once besieged him, and says unto him Mitte te deorsum [Cast thyself down]. But the cries were not praises: already the murmur has turned hostile though the poet in his trial longs for his fall whatever form it will take, certain that regret will never come, that he would prefer a long and variegated path to a pinnacle without limit or egress. When he reaches the bottom the murmur turns to fury and to hate, the thurifers and worshippers throw themselves on the recalcitrant idol, on the very poet who had once been all refinement, paradox, artificiality, charm and seduction; they teach him that there is indeed a reality, what atrocities and tragic sorrows it holds in store for those who acknowledge nothing but the ideal, who outstrip moral systems, hypocrisies and restraints, for those to whom are reserved Calvaries, crucifixions and butcheries.37

Davray's purple prose contains a serious point: disgrace can be the last throw of the dice, the last expedient for those whom fate has denied nothing. To adapt Barrie, 'failure would be an awfully big adventure'. Is there some sense in regarding Charlus's less public humiliation in this light? There was an immediate analogy to hand, since in the years leading up the inception of la A la recherche Proust's mind had been led to concentrate on the matter of homosexual disgrace by the Eulenburg scandal in Germany. The Prince von Eulenburg (1847-1921) had been the close friend and associate of the Kaiser Wilhelm II. He was secretary to the Prussian mission in Munich and subsequently ambassador to Vienna, and was even at one time offered the chancellorship in the power vacuum following the departure of Bismarck. But in 1906 a series of allegations of homosexual misconduct in the newspaper Die Zukunft rocked Prussia. Eulenburg was implicated, failed to clear his name, and was forced to resign. In the aftermath of the affair Proust was fascinated enough to propose 'an essay on pederasty' to Robert Dreyfus, who had himself published a study of Eulenburg's friend Gobineau. The project came to nothing, since its topicality proved in the end too much of a deterrent at a time when he was learning to pour all of his observations of the world into his forthcoming book. But Eulenburg retained his compassion: 'You have been able to do for Gobineau', he wrote to Dreyfus, 'what ... the poor Eulenburg could not do'. In a later letter to Reynaldo Hahn he makes reference to a letter to Montesquiou from the Prince von Radolin, German ambassador in Paris, assuring him of his personal sympathy. 'He would have done better to have sympathized a bit with Eulenburg', he wrote (Cor, VIII, 164).

Such incidents were not edifying. In the essay 'La Race Maudite', employing the metaphor of circus lions, he speaks of the fate of those who must go on

living on terms of household intimacy with those who at the sight of his offence, should scandal break out, would turn and savage as do wild animals at the sight of blood, but accustomed, seeing them at peace with him on daily life, to talk homosexuality to provoke their growls (so that nowhere does one talk homosexuality so freely as before a homosexual) till that day comes, as sooner or later it must, when he will be torn to pieces -like the poet to whom every London drawing room was open- he and his works prosecuted, not able to find a drawing room to shelter him, and after expiation and death to see his statue raised above his grave.38

In Sodome et Gomorrhe the reference to the banning of Salomé disappears, to be replaced by a quotation from Alfred de Vigny:

Without any but the most precarious honour, without any but the most provisional liberty until the discovery of the crime, within any but the most unstable social position, like the poet feted the previous day in all the salons of London, and on the morrow expelled from every lodging, unable even to find a bolster on which to lay his head, at the mill like Samson and saying too like him 'Two sexes shall die, each one apart.' (NP, III, 17)

Proust had wished to dedicate Sodome et Gomorrhe to that famous Gomorrhan the Princesse de Polignac, but she in embarrassment declined. Wilde's disgrace, it seems, served as a pattern for the chronic insecurity experienced by those who persist in exercising the 'contrivances of nature' within a static Linnaean order governed by the simple sexual typology of an Erasmus Darwin.

 

VIII

 

'Nature has good inclinations, of course, but as Aristotle once said, she is quite incapable of carrying them out.' Thus Vivian in ‘The Decay of Lying’, after refusing to lie on the grass and 'enjoy nature'. Nature is in a muddle, and art redeems it. Nature's contrivances had been part of Darwin's programme, but Wilde preferred to see art, like sexuality, as at variance with the merely natural. the spray over which that desultory bee hovers at the beginning of Dorian Gray is severed at the stem. Dorian receives his epiphany in a garden exultant with summer flowers; thereafter all the flowers are in vases; Lady Wotton cultivates orchids by wearing them on her dress. 'A well-made buttonhole is the only link between art and nature', said Wilde in an aphorism quoted in the French edition of Intentions. If nature has her contrivances, those of men are greater, putting her to shame. The point of literature is not to portray things as they are, but to improve upon them.

Proust and Wilde are very different authors, but they have a common starting point in the notion inherited from their respective predecessors of art as species of mimesis. This was the view central to Ruskin's philosophy, and both eventually turned their backs on it. In an essay from Contre Sainte-Beuve Proust speaks of the peculiar energy that informs Balzac's characters, a gusto stolen ultimately from the author and his own crude love of life (CS-B, 263-95). Balzac's characters walk around their fictive universe eructating, calculating, behaving invariably in the most impeccable bad taste. Mme de Bargeton guffaws shamelessly like battery of field artillery; Vautrin incontrollably sings; Mme de Nucingen shamelessly pretends to intimacy with Mme de Grandlieu whom she has not even met. It is this coarsegrained texture in Balzac, which extends from social class to social class, from individual to the spluttering author himself, which looks like realism, causing his less sophisticated readers to view La Comédie Humaine as a literal representation of the external world. In the middle of his essay Proust introduces a certain Marquise, an inveterate reader of Balzac who is none the less critical of him for distorting the social originals whom in her view he set out to portray: 'He claimed that he was portraying the society of Madame's ladies in waiting. I knew them well. It wasn't like that at all.' In A la recherche the same philistine attitudes are held by Mme de Villeparisis, endlessly comparing the books she reads to their supposed models, very much to the disadvantage of the former.

For Proust this is all the direct kind of misunderstanding, a variety of the Sainte-Beuviste mistake of seeking the clue to an author's work in his public bearing and conversation. At one point the Marquise commits both mistakes at once: 'First of all it's untrue all that he wrote about society. They didn't receive him. Why did he write about what he did not know?' The irony is that the Marquise, like Mme de Villeparisis, is trapped, like a crustacean under aspic, inside a work of art from which she will never be able to extricate herself, hard as she might try. When it comes to the portrayal of others, artists invariably have the last laugh. We may complain as bitterly as we choose that Mme de Villeparisis bears an insufficient resemblance to Madeleine Lémaire, whom Painter -not immune to a Sainte-Beuvisme of his own- takes to be one of her originals.39 But like Dorian Gray Mme Lémaire has withered away, leaving her portrait. If, with the virtue of hindsight, we read Proust's book and believe ourselves to be recognising within it types known to us, we are doing no more than recognising that weird ontological trick according to which life falls into configurations previously traced by art.

Proust recognised this, as did Wilde. Halfway through his essay Proust pays tribute to the shared insight:

In his early days (the days when he said 'It is only since the Lake Poets that there have been fogs on the Thames'), Oscar Wilde, who was later to learn from life that there are keener sorrows than those we get from books, said 'The greatest sadness of my life. The death of Lucien de Rubempré in Splendeurs et misères des courtisanes'. (CS-B, 273)

About the Lakeland Poets, in fact, Wilde said no such thing: what Proust has done is to run together two different remarks from 'The Decay of Lying', the first of which has to do with an empirical confirmation of a predisposition towards natural theology:

Wordsworth went to the lakes, but he was never a lake poet. He found in stones the sermons he had already hidden there. He went moralizing about the district, but his good work was produced when he returned, not to nature, but to poetry... Poetry gave him 'Laodamia', and the finest sonnets, and the great Ode, such as it is. Nature gave him 'Martha Ray' and 'Peter Bell' and the address to Mr Wilkinson's spade.40

'I am glad to say that I have never seen a spade', remarks Gwendolen snappishly to Cecily in The Importance of Being Earnest, 'It is obvious that our social spheres have been very different.' According to this view, Wilde did not see spades so much as invent them, just as he interprets the whole of nature according to his own neo-Platonic lights. Just as, in a later section of 'The Decay of Lying', the Impressionists are said to have invented London smogs:

At present people see fogs not because they are fogs, but because poets and painters have taught them the mysterious loveliness of such effects. There may have been fogs for centuries in London. I dare say there were. But no one saw them, and so we do not know anything about them.41

Proust's confusion arose because Vivian is making the same point about natural facts imitating art or, to put it in a different way, art predisposing vision. The remark about fogs is one of Wilde's magpie thefts from the source of the whole argument, Whistler's Ten O'Clock, which Charlus too at one point paraphrases to some effect. In much the same way, Balzac's vaunted realism is nothing but a trompe l'oeil. We see the inhabitants of La Comédie Humaine as Second Empire types simply because, armed with a general impression of Balzac's work, we have trained ourselves to view the Second Empire in this way. The weakness of Zola, says Vivian, is that he tries to give us reality undistilled: when accused of untruthfulness, he is simply being forced to taste his own medicine. Truth for Balzac is, by contrast, a subjective affair. 'The difference between such a book as Zola's L'Assommoir and Balzac's Illusions Perdues is the difference between unimaginative realism and imaginative reality.'

The real plays uncanny pranks, dissolving as one looks at it. Any account of the external world based on a supposition of authenticity (we may say relevance) is bound to fail. On 16 May 1908 Proust wrote to Dreyfus explaining why, despite his compelling claim on his attention, he would not after all be writing an essay on the Eulenburg affair:

The same reason which makes me think that the importance and the supersensible reality of art prevent certain anecdotal novels, however agreeable, from meriting the rank you ascribe to them (art being something far superior to life, as our intelligence tells us and our intelligence concedes, much though our conduct deny it) - the same reason will not permit me to hang an artistic reverie on anecdotal considerations too close to daily life not share its contingency, giving nonetheless an impression not merely false but banal, earning a reproof from an existence thus outraged (like Oscar Wilde saying that the greatest sorrow of his life was the death of Balzac's Lucien de Rubempré, and then learning at his trial that there are realer sorrows). (Cor, VIII, 123)

Those who confuse art with life invite the consequences. Wilde's final weakness was that, preaching the complete separation of art and life, he lived otherwise, presenting his own existence as the perfect artefact in much the same way as did Montesquiou. Despite his superior intelligence, Wilde was closer to Dorian than he thought, provoking his own ruin as surely as Dorian provoked his.

Properly considered, mundane existence does not need this kind of support from art. Neither does art need it from life, or authors from one another. The very consideration which, in Le Temps retrouvé force the narrator to dispense with any naïve reliance on life, forced Proust in the end to refrain from any naïve reliance on Wilde. Towards the end of The Effects of Cross-Fertilization in the Vegetable Kingdom Darwin explains that after several generations of cross-fertilisation nature will occasionally intervene to maintain a proper balance by one exceptional act of self-fertilisation.42 Such acts are uncommon, though the structure of hermaphrodite flowers makes them possible. There are even some flowers that regularly fertilise themselves without the aid of others or the intervention of any insect. Among them is a species of orchid that acts as its own ministering drone. This lone exception to a general rule was of such absorbing interest to Darwin that he was prepared to live for a thousand years to have the pleasure of witnessing its extinction.43 But art is not life; nor is it sex. Finally Proust is a bee-orchid.

 

·         Robert Fraser is a biographer and critic, dramatist and historian of ideas. He has published on Marcel Proust (Proust and the Victorians, 1994), and on Victorian Quest Romance (for the Writers and Their Work Series, 1998), while his Making of the Golden Bough, his study of the genesis of Sir James Frazer's anthropological classic, has recently been re-issued as an additional volume to the grand thirteen volume set of Sir James's work. Professor Fraser is a member of the Open University's Literature and Music Research Group.

·         The Editor thanks Mathilde Mazau for typing this version.


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Throughout, references to Marcel Proust's A la recherche du temps perdu are to the four-volume new Pléiade Edition ("N.P"), Gallimard, 1987.  C S-B refers to Marcel Proust, Contre Sainte-Beuve précédé de Pastiches et mélanges et suivi de Essais et articles (Paris: Gallimard, 1971).

 

1 Adrian Desmond and James Moore, Darwin (London: Michael Joseph, 1991) p. 509.

2 Erasmus Darwin, The Loves of the Plants, canto IV, ll. 489-4, with note to l. 490.

3 Charles Darwin, On Various Contrivances by which British and Foreign Orchids are fertilised by insects and the good effects of intercrossing (London: John Murray, 1862) pp. 359-60.

4  Desmond and Moore, Darwin, p. 279.

5 The relevant French translation are Des différentes formes de fleurs dans les plantes de la même espèce, trad. Eduard Heckel, préfacé Amedée Coutance (Paris: Reinwald, 1878); De la fécondation des orchidées par les insectes et des bons résultats du croisement, trad. L. Rerolle (Paris: Reinwald, 1870); Des effets de la fécondation croisée et de la fécondation directe dans le règne végétal, trad. Eduard Heckel (Paris: Reinwald, 1877). See also NP, III, 1268-9.

6 Charles Darwin, The Different Forms of Flowers on Plants of the same Species (London: John Murray, 1877) esp. pp. 156-60.

7 For Darwin's experiments with the Lythrum salicaria, see Desmond and Moore, Darwin, pp. 519-20.

8 Darwin, Des différentes formes de fleurs, vol. XXVIII.

9 Oscar Wilde, The Picture of Dorian Gray (London: Ward, 1891) pp. 34-5.

10 Ibid., p. 189.

11 As was indeed recognised by Proust. See Céleste Alabaret, Monsieur Proust, Souvenirs recueillis par Georges Belmont (Paris: Robert Laffond, 1973) p. 311.

12 Ibid., p. 315.

13 Philippe Jullian, Oscar Wilde (Paris, 1967) p. 246; George D. Painter, Marcel Proust: A Biography, 2nd edition (London: Chatto & Windus, 1989) vol. I, pp. 169-70; Hayman, Proust : A Biography (London : Heinemann, 1990), pp. 86-7; Richard Ellman, Oscar Wilde (Harmondsworth, Middx.: Penguin, 1988) pp. 327-8; Martin Fido, Oscar Wilde (London: Hamlyn, 1973) p. 88. For all of these latter accounts the principal source is Jullian, whose own footnote reads 'This story was related to the writer by two of Madame Arthur Baignères' grandsons.' Hearsay evidence perhaps; but it has the ring of truth. The behaviour seems oddly grotesque for Wilde, a notoriously polite man. If explanation has to be found, Hayman's suggestion of a sexual malentendu seems rather more plausible than Fido's imputation of simple high-handedness.

14 The phrase is Fernand Gregh's, for whose account of the incident see L'Age d'or (Paris: Grasset, 1974) pp. 191-2.

15 'You are forever gazing. You gaze too much. One should not gaze at people in that way. Something terrible may occur' (Salomé [Paris: Cres, 1922] p.5).

16 From the 1894 edition of Salomé. See again Elaine Showalter, Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siècle (London: Bloomsbury, 1991) pp. 151-4.

17 'Who is this woman who is gazing at me? I do not wish her to gaze at me. Why does she gaze at me from her golden eyes beneath their gilded lids?' (Salomé, p. 27).

18 'I gazed at you all the evening... I gazed at you all the evening. your beauty troubled me. But I will do it no more. It is not seemly to gaze except in mirrors' (Salomé, p. 70).

19 Fido, Oscar Wilde, p. 88; Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, p. 149.

20 Honoré de Balzac, Illusions Perdues, La Comédie Humaine, Etudes de Moeurs, Scènes de la vie en Province, vol. II, texte établi par Marcel Bouteron, Editions de la Pléiade (Paris: Gallimard, 1952) pp. 1019-20. in citing Swann's opinion of this passage Charlus is also citing Proust's. See Carnet, 48-49.

21 Balzac, Illusions perdues, 1015.

22 Oscar Wilde, 'The Decay of Lying' in Intentions (London: Osgood, McIlvaine, 1891) p. 18; 'Le Declin du Mensonge' in Intentions, trad. Hughes Rebelle, préfacé Charles Grolleau (Paris: Carrington, 1906) p. 19; 'La Décadence du mensonge' in Intentions, trad. J. Joseph-Renaud (Paris: P.-V. Stock, 1905) p. 19.

23 Indeed, this is precisely on what the narrator insists at NP, IV, 489-90: 'In reality, each reader when he reads is the reader of his own self. The writer's book is nothing but a sort of optical instrument which he hands to reader so as to help him to discern in the book that which he could not see for himself'. There is no definitive reading of, no definitive sexuality in, A la recherche.

24 Jonathan Dollimore, Sexual Dissidence: Augustine to Wilde, Freud to Foucault (Oxford: Clarendon, 1991), see especially part II: 'Perspectives'.

25 Ibid., p. 60.

26 Ibid., p. 16.

27 Oscar Wilde, 'The Critic as Artist', in the Rebell and Joseph Renaud translation of Intentions.

28 NP, III, 23-5. see also Carnets, 63.

29 NP, IV, 962-3. The works cited by Proust are H.G. Wells, War and the Future: Italy, France and Britain at War (London: Macmillan, 1915), of which see especially chapter 1: 'On the Frontier of Civilization'. For translation of Wells, see appendix III. Kipling's war testimony had been translated as La France en guerre, trad. Claude and Joell Ritt (Paris: Berger-Levrault, 1915). The Jungle Book had been translated as Le Livre de la jungle, trad. Louis Fabulet and Robert d'Humières (Paris: Mercure de France, 1899).

30 Painter, Marcel Proust, vol. II, pp. 60-1; Hayman, 254-5. Hayman's interpretation of the 'accident' at the Gare Saint Lazare seems sensible.

31 Painter, Marcel Proust, vol. II, pp. 67-9; Hayman, 254-5.

32 Marcel Proust, C S-B, 158-9. Hayman reads the verb ‘vieillissons’ as intransitive, but I cannot agree.

33 Oscar Wilde, 'Ballade de la Géole de Reading', Mercure de France, vol. XXVI (May 1898) p. 357, translation 'Yet each man kills the thing he loves, By each let this be heard,/Some do it with a bitter look,/Some with a flattering word,/The coward does it with a kiss/the brave man with a sword./Some kill their love when they are young,/And some when they are old;/Some strangle with the hands of Gold;/The kindest use a knife, because/The dead so soon grow old.'

34 Ellman, Oscar Wilde, pp. 467-8, 532; Fido, Oscar Wilde, pp. 125, 136.

35 Albaret, Monsieur Proust, p. 220.

36 Hayman, pp. 171-3.

37 Mercure de France, vol. XXVI (April 1898) p. 323. 'Mitte te deorsum' is the Vulgate version of Matthew IV.6; also of Luke IV.9.

38 'La Race Maudite' in Contre Sainte-Beuve, suivi de Nouveaux Mélanges, ed. B. de Fallois (Paris: Gallimard, 1954) pp. 258-9. For simplicity's sake I have read the pronouns 'il', 'lui' and so on as refering to an individual member of the 'race maudite', though within the context of this exceptionally long sentence it strictly refers to the race itself. Compare By Way of Sainte-Beuve, trans. Sylvia Townsend Warner (London: Chatto & Windus, 1958) p. 163.

39 Painter, Marcel Proust, vol. I, pp. 154-9. Indeed the whole structure of Painter's monumental work, with its parallel indexing -'People and Places', 'Characters and Places'- is predicated upon a Sainte-Beuviste assumption.

40 Oscar Wilde, Intentions, p. 21; Joseph-Renaud trad., pp. 22-3; Rebell trad., p. 22.

41 Intentions, p. 40-1; Joseph-Renaud trad., pp. 44-5; Rebell trad., pp. 40-1.

42 Darwin, On the Various Contrivances, pp. 358-60.

43 Desmond and Moore, Darwin, p. 512.